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Still ashamed of Mauretania's lack of overseas expansion. At least Scandinavian colonies are taking off in North America. Otherwise Europe's borders are fairly handsome considering.
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Jan 18, 2018 17:31
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LaSalsaVerde posted:Still ashamed of Mauretania's lack of overseas expansion.
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Jan 18, 2018 17:47
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Is that Jerusalem in Egypt? The Vlachs really can’t be stopped
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Jan 18, 2018 19:57
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Yeah, Jerusalem has been going nuts. *And* it's still Gnostic.
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Jan 18, 2018 20:51
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The Gnights may have failed but at least Jerusalem carries them on
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Jan 18, 2018 20:53
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The reason I as asking was that perhaps Gothia could try to both increase the coffers of the king, and also prevent possible political interference, would be for the King of Gothia to work to streamline the universities, especially any run by religious orders. Who knows, maybe Riculf Goosecamps was a teacher at one of these said religious order run universities? Similarly I assume some of these religious orders run various enterprises in the various lands of the empire. Why not seize them on behalf of the crown? I am sure this wouldn't lead to brain drain, or have bad economic effects. Of course a full investigation would be needed first to ensure that these said religious orders were not in fact doing what I am saying. (I am referencing the various actions taken in Europe in the 18th century against the Jesuits). One other thing, has anyone ever tried to do a LP where they try to change nations, by once they have a independence movement in the colonies, playing as that independence movement? Crowsbeak fucked around with this message at 22:31 on Jan 18, 2018 |
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Jan 18, 2018 22:09
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Crowsbeak posted:The reason I as asking was that perhaps Gothia could try to both increase the coffers of the king, and also prevent possible political interference, would be for the King of Gothia to work to streamline the universities, especially any run by religious orders. Who knows, maybe Riculf Goosecamps was a teacher at one of these said religious order run universities? Similarly I assume some of these religious orders run various enterprises in the various lands of the empire. Why not seize them on behalf of the crown? I am sure this wouldn't lead to brain drain, or have bad economic effects. Of course a full investigation would be needed first to ensure that these said religious orders were not in fact doing what I am saying. (I am referencing the various actions taken in Europe in the 18th century against the Jesuits). There was one that did that on the Paradox forums. They intentionally played England->UK->USA.
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Jan 19, 2018 00:47
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Gold Rules the World sort of did that, we switched over to the main base being in NA around the end of EU
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Jan 19, 2018 03:17
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GRtW was a rather... unique situation
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Jan 19, 2018 06:01
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Crazycryodude posted:GRtW was a rather... unique situation Yeah not many games of Europa Universallis conclude with your capital being destroyed by a nuclear bomb.
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Jan 19, 2018 19:10
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have the goths learned to smoke weed and to grow their own dank new strains? the recreational use of cannabis must have made it's way up from india and the rest of the middle east.
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Jan 25, 2018 23:49
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Cannabis was known even in antiquity, but it wasn't smoked. Historically, smoking only really became a thing after Columbus reached the New World and saw natives doing with it with tobacco (among other things), and even then, tobacco smoking took a while to take hold. King James I in the early 17th century thought tobacco was stupid and evil and tried to discourage its use, but at the same, Virginia discovered that tobacco was a super lucrative cash crop and pushed it super hard in England. So, historically, smoking anything recreationally only really caught on in the 17th century. Here within the history of the LP, the colonies in the Carolinas were established in the late 16th century, a few decades earlier than the historical English colonization of Virginia. The Carolinas were colonized here by Armorica, a small duchy in Gaul. I imagine Armorica probably would be starved for income from its European provinces and would want to squeeze as much as it could from its New World colonies, so tobacco would be happily embraced and nobody like James I would be around to even try to discourage its use. So, then, smoking probably catches on earlier in the LP's history than was historically the case in Europe. The other factor to consider is the distribution and consumption of cannabis. I think the biggest factor here would've been the success of the crusades- a Christian Egypt and Levant (even if Jerusalem sort of dissolved for a few centuries) enables earlier and easier access to oriental trade goods, including primo kush from India. Up until the introduction of the smoking habit, cannabis would've just been eaten (as was the case with medieval hashish). By the 17th century, cannabis would certainly be known in Europe, although if it was treated as an oriental trade thing it would have been prohibitively costly for commoners. Given that there would also be centuries of Christian rule in place along much of the old trade routes, my thinking is that it'd be viewed as an exotic good, but not innately perfidious and corrupting since it wouldn't be (as strongly) associated with a heathen Orient, thanks to Jerusalem's role in the trade. New World colonization would open up new possibilities for mass cultivation, and the need for increased revenues from the colonies by smaller colonial powers like Armorica would probably lead to semi-official encouragement of tobacco and marijuana consumption. By the late 17th century, the smoking habit definitely would be A Thing in Europe, and there could very well be Goths stoned out of their minds and hankering for some spicy contraceptive meatballs.
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Jan 26, 2018 20:30
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I love the comparisons between real history and LP history.
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Jan 28, 2018 03:54
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So what you're saying you're modding in cannabis as a trade good. 
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Jan 28, 2018 05:05
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frankenfreak posted:So what you're saying you're modding in cannabis as a trade good. We'd better speed up colonization before Francië claims the lucrative trade in the Kush Islands!
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Jan 28, 2018 05:59
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frankenfreak posted:So what you're saying you're modding in cannabis as a trade good. Victoria 2 has Opium, so why not?
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Jan 28, 2018 13:43
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Chapter 61: The Gothic Idea 1673-1690 In the last years of the 17th century, King Pèitre IV refined Gothia's diplomatic corps and began re-orienting Gothic interests from the New World back towards Europe. In his pursuit of European expansion and diplomatic re-engagement, Pèitre also tapped into some of the first stirrings of modern nationalism within the country.  With the direction of the Senate and input of his ministers, Pèitre IV announced in mid-1673 his “Grand Idea”, expanding Gothia's embassies and pushing for better relations with all of Gothia's neighbors.  At the same time, the Gothic court also formulated the Novus Foederatus, a new policy meant to mimic the old Roman system of tributary relations. To some observers, the promulgation of the Novus Foederatus was a strange move to make, as Gothia hadn't had anything near a tributary relationship with any other realm in centuries.  Gothia's new approach to diplomacy paid dividends in Europe almost immediately. Romania, which only twenty years earlier had suffered a bitter defeat at the hands of the Goths, changed its attitude towards the realm, dropping its revanchist stance in favor of guarded cordiality. At the same time, Majapahit, the East Indies empire which had lost the northern tip of Sumatra to the Goths just a few years prior, doubled down on their hostility towards Gothia.  The Gothic government made a sincere effort to play into the friendlier, more diplomatic face they were now presenting, papering over any diplomatic breaches which popped up. Benexet Tiraquellus, the Gothic ambassador to the Duchy of Aquitania, provides a good example of the Gothic approach during this period. Aquitania, a small realm, was surrounded on all sides by Gothic territory and dependent on treaties with Gothia for trade and travel. Ambassador Tiraquellus made the unfortunate decision to get wildly drunk at a ball on New Year's Day, 1674. As the belligerent ambassador was being dragged out of the ballroom a few hours later, he roared at the guards that “you can't do this to me, this will be Gothic soon enough!” The Gothic government apologized to Aquitania as soon as word reached the capital. Tiraquellus was recalled from Aquitania but, curiously enough, was not sacked, and in later days could occasionally be seen trying to covertly enter and exit the royal court.  Aside from such isolated incidents, Gothia generally did a decent job at improving its standing with other realms. Gallic and Spanish realms alike were lured in by Gothic rhetoric of peace and goodwill.  But there was a darker side to Pèitre's new policies. At the same time that the Gothic court was entertaining more envoys and sending out more ambassadors than every before, the government wasf also sending out more spies than ever before, and funding a small army of pamphleteers and other propagandists. Small articles like the 1660s' The True Origins, arguing that Gothia “rightly” should be ruling more territory in Gaul, reached a frenzied pace of publication in the 1670s and '80s.  Internally, the idea of what “ought” to be Gothic was pushed very hard. The central government promoted Gautés in all the provinces, and issued some directives concerning the standardization of the language. That effectively meant that both regional dialects which had long been prevalent in the north and the Gallo-Roman tongue widely spoken in the south were targeted and heavily suppressed by the government; the two major holdouts against this policy were the Gallic provincials of Arvernia and the semi-Gothic people of Theiphalia.  The language directives also fed into an image of the king as a law-giver, promoting the perception of a wise and just monarch concerned with the administration of justice within the realm. It was not, perhaps, a completely accurate image of the king, but it was one he and his court were happy to encourage and tap into for domestic benefits.  Pèitre IV's diplomatic policies were put to the test in October of 1675, when Gothia's southern ally, the African-based Kingdom of Mauretania, began another war in its ongoing campaign of expansion within Hispania. This was the first time a Gothic ally had called on Gothic support since King Pèitre had been crowned, and the king was eager to prove his government's worth and establish its trustworthiness.  Carthaginensis was allied to Provencia, which lay to Gothia's south along the Mediterranean. Gothic troops immediately rushed to besiege the Provencian region of Narbonensis, eager to close off a key route across the Pyrenees and, perhaps, win a prize when the war ended.  The Provencians were one step ahead of the Goths, and had already sent troops south into Spain. A combined Mauretanian-Gothic force, however, managed to intercept the Gallic army near the town of Gerunda on January 14th, 1676, inflicting heavy casualties on the Provencian army and compelling them to withdraw to the north.  Despite being a war ostensibly between the Duchy of Carthaginensis and Mauretania in Spain, most of the fighting happened in Gaul, between Gothia and Provencia. Carthaginensis itself was barely a shadow of its former self, reduced to a single province far inland that Mauretania almost immediately began besieging, while Provencia was a prosperous realm and imperial elector with a strong economic base and standing army. Even after the disastrous Battle of Gerunda, the Provencians managed to keep the remnants of its army alive and out of reach of Gothic forces, compelling the Goths to maintain a much stronger presence in the occupied provinces than would have otherwise been the case.  Gothia's large occupying force proved to be a fortunate choice in July of 1676, when Gallic partisans rose up in the occupied provinces, ambushing a Mauretanian force that was passing through the area on its way to attack Provencia's sole surviving army. The rebel army was even larger that Mauretania's, but Gothic troops nearby were able to reinforce the African troops before they were overwhelmed.  Narbonensis' defenders finally surrendered to Gothic besiegers in September of 1676, and the garrison of the Provencian capital likewise folded on December 15th of that year. Although the Gallic duchy still retained control of Nicea, Provencia's defenses were obviously crumbling, and Carthaginensis had been completely occupied by Mauretania since mid-summer.  Mauretania negotiated a separate peace with Provencia first; the Goths gained no territory from it, but did get half the gold the duchy was forced to pay to the victors.  A bigger prize came when Carthaginensis surrendered on April 1st, 1677. The duchy was fully annexed by Mauretania, but the African kingdom made sure to reward its Gothic ally. The entire Carthaginan treasury was split between the two allies, with Gothia receiving a hefty sum for its help in Gaul.  Gothia's support was helping Mauretania expand and cement its hold on Hispania, which could potentially cause problems for the Goths if they and the Mauretanians ever split, but in the moment Pèitre IV was content to just reestablish Gothia's trustworthiness as an ally.  Gothia's improving diplomatic standing gave it a certain degree of deniability when pamphlets arguing for the annexation of the independent duchies in southwest Gaul started to appear in late 1677. Of course, the Gothic government claimed it knew nothing about the incendiary documents, but it also did not publicly endorse them nor did it implement the plan the pamphlets argued for. Not yet, at least.  The major reason why Gothia did not move against the southwestern duchies is because Gautunya, Gothia's eastern ally and technically rulers of the Western Roman Empire, called the Goths into their own conflict just as the pamphlets became widespread, before they could be fully utilized for any warmongering purposes. The Duchy of Savauha had recently invaded and annexed a small portion of Northern Italy and Gautunya, in its role as Emperor and legal protector of the imperial princes (and not being on friendly terms with the duchy), demanded that Savauha return the provinces it had so recently won in war back to Liguria. The duchy demurred, and after a final ultimatum was ignored the Gothonians commenced their war against Savauha in August of 1677.  The Gothic army attacked just in time for the frigid winter of 1677/8 to take hold. Reluctant to cause more casualties among its own troops than necessary, the government ordered the army to prioritize its own wellness over the total investment of Savauha's capital. This seriously impeded progress in the siege, but the king's care also seemed to impress the Imperial court; several Gothonian courtiers connected to the emperor sent letters to Pèitre IV, praising his devotion to the people.  Gothia's treatment of its troops contrasted sharply with Gothonia's. Imperial armies were being sent back and forth across the Alps with insufficient provisions, and were being assigned policing duties alongside their directions for various offensives against Savauha. While Gothia conserved its strength while besieging the recalcitrant duchy's capital, the Empire was expending manpower at an astonishing rate.  Despite the meek approach of the Goths, Savauha's capital was eventually forced to surrender to its cautious besiegers. The emphasis on saving troops rather than fully compelling a surrender had likely drawn out the siege by a matter of months, but it had saved lives... among the besiegers, at least.  The prolonged siege of the duchy's capital spurred on some significant military reforms. The Gothic army had already been suffering from a lack of suitable officers from the traditional nobility before the war- many potential candidates had either died in the country's recent war of independence or had cast their lot in with the loyalists- and the expansion of the army in the leadup to and during the war against Savauha had finally pushed the government to act. The higher ranks of the military were formally opened up to all commoners in 1679, although in practice nobles remained predominant among the officers.  The war against Savauha finally ended on July 11th, 1679, when the rebellious Duke of Savauha formally and in person submitted to the Gothonian emperor at the latter's army camp in the Alps. Savauha was forced to cede its northern border towns to the emperor, and as a token of the Emperor's appreciation for its role in the conflict, Gothia was awarded the province of Savauha proper. The former duchy was now reduced to a petty rump state on the Italian side of the Alps, deprived of its traditional home territories.  The Gothic court, in turn, moved to publically recognize the role that the great diplomat Deusdedit de Leucate had played in guiding Gothia's recent diplomatic policies which had just so handsomely paid off for the realm.  However, the war against Savauha had also reminded the Gothic government of a key weakness in the Imperial system. Gautunya had proved itself to be utterly partisan in its dealings with rebellious Savauha, and the Gothonian emperor's reward to Gothia had shown that Imperial borders could be violated, as long as the Emperor was on your side. Even with the territorial reward, the Emperor now owed Gothia a favor. Pèitre IV pretty quickly resolved to use that favor to further expand Gothia's holdings in Europe. The Duchy of Aquitania had long since been reduced to a rump state in the fluvial province of Duranius, and was surrounded on all sides by Gothic territory. Benexet Tiraquellus, the envoy who had caused a minor diplomatic incident just five years prior, was reappointed as ambassador to Aquitania late in 1679. He arrived at the ducal court with a grin on his face and an ultimatum from the Gothic court: Submit to Gothia, or be annexed by force of arms. Aquitania refused, and so Gothia went to war once again.  The attack on Aquitania itself was fairly straightforward. The minuscule duchy just could not field as many soldiers as the Goths could, and lost its sole army to an overwhelming Gothic attack in December of 1679. The capital was besieged, but already the war was essentially over for the small realm.  However, Aquitania had an ally in the war- the Republic of Flandès. The mercantile realm had a considerable army at its disposal, and its border provinces were well-fortified.  Surprisingly, Flandès troops crossed the border and attacked Gothic land before any move could be made against the republic. A force was quickly gathered, and with numbers again on Gothia's side the Flemish army was attacked and defeated.  To the frustration of the Goths, the Flemish army merely retreated back behind the republic's forts, recuperated for a month, and then struck again at Gothic territory- this time, at Gothia's coastal towns such as Caleeis and Bolonia.  And to Pèitre's humiliation, the Flemish army even managed to repulse a Gothic army and capture Bolonia.  At this moment, the Gothic government threatened to founder for the first time since its revolt for independence. Grumbles about wasteful loss of soldiers and three harvests in a row suffering from a lack of available farmhands were rapidly escalating into something far more serious for the court- but then the king intervened. Pèitre appeared before the Gothic Senate and, hand on a Bible, vowed that “these men's lives shall revive the kingdom”. He promised to strengthen Gothia with the ongoing war, and “restore” Gothia's “true borders”. The Senate accepted his oath, and the crisis passed.  Now Pèitre just needed enough successes on the ground to give him the leverage needed to gain something from Flandès at the negotiating table. A Gothic army made a good start by driving the Flemish out of Bolonia on August 8th, 1680, but the king needed much more before he could squeeze anything out of the republic.  With the need for significant wartime gains in mind, Gothic troops finally attacked Flemish territory for the first time on September 5th, driving back a Flemish army by the ancient ruins of Fanum Martis.  Anxious to pursue a siege campaign unmolested, the Goths pursued the remnants of the Flemish army from Fanomartensis north to the city of Breda, on the other side of the republic.  There followed a months-long game of cat-and-mouse between the Flemish and Gothic armies, only coming to an end when the last surviving remnants of the Flemish army were finally pinned near Brujas by the Goths and forced to surrender on January 10th, 1681.  With the Flemish army finally defeated, the Goths could focus on taking Flemish territory without worry. Brujas surrendered in April of 1681, and the province of Gandensis likewise fell to the Goths in May.  Progress slowed after these springtime victories, and it wasn't until February of 1682 that Gothic troops were able to compel the surrender of Breda. By then, however, nearly all of Flandès was occupied by the Goths.  Pèitre IV needed near-total occupation of Flemish territories in the Low Countries to be able to force the terms he wanted. When Gothia forced Flandès to accept terms of surrender on March 29th, 1682, the extent of the king's ambition became clear: Aquitania was forced to submit to Gothia and become its vassal, and Flandès had to surrender some of its southern provinces both along the coast and inland, also coincidentally placing the Duchy of Toxandria in a similar situation to antebellum Aquitania, its capital now completely surrounded by Gothic territory. The republic, in turn, was stripped of its southern fortified provinces, and had fragments of its territory separated from both land connection to the capital and sea travel to its main ports.  Although the Gothonian emperor's hands were tied by the favors he still owed the Gothic court, Gothia was condemned by other neighbors, including Francië, which cut off relations with the Goths in response specifically to the Flemish annexations.  Through the king's deft diplomatic touch, however, the realm was able to weather the initial wave of denunciations, and enjoyed a period of peace which would hold for the rest of the 1680s. In this quiet period, Pèitre continued to work to solidify his rule, even as his health began to falter. Just a few short months after Flandès' defeat, the king ordered construction to begin on a new palace just outside of the Gothic capital, near the medieval royal residence of Vithericopolis. The royal family was able to move there two years later, although construction on the wings continued for some time afterwards.  Palace-building wasn't entirely about the glory of King Pèitre- it also had a very practical use as a way to draw the realm's nobility towards the capital and away from their feudal holdings, weakening their grip on their provincial strongholds.  And, to compensate for the loss of the Frankish alliance which had helped protect Gothia's northeast, Pèitre now pivoted to the south and approached his erstwhile enemies, the Triarian court of Romania. Romania's king at the time, Alarigh, was still in his minority, but his regent's choice to accept an alliance with Gothia was one the king would accept during his own reign.  The 1670s and 1680s were a prosperous time for the country. The Savauhan war had scarcely touched Gothia proper, and money from all corners of the globe was pouring into the country. With wealth and peace, the period saw some remarkable scientific advances. One of the more obscure yet still important breakthroughs of the time was the discovery of a new element- iodine. A gunpowder maker in northern Gothia had discovered the element while in the process of producing saltpeter for his powder, and sent word of his discovery to some knowledgeable friends. After two years of investigation, the scholars and the powdermaker went public with their discovery, and received commendations from King Pèitre IV himself.  But it was in politics, not science, that Pèitre IV is most associated with change and innovation. The king's initial rise to power in a revolt against a union with an Italian monarch, combined with his later pursuit of expansion in Europe disregarding dynastic and imperial concerns in favor of practical territorial concerns and Gothic myths, marks one of the first real rumblings of nationalism in Western Europe. Nationalism would become an ever-greater driving force of Gothic policy over the course of the 18th century, but for now it was just a tool of kings.  King Pèitre IV de Margens finally died on April 25th, 1690, after suffering from an acute infection gained during an ill-advised hunting trip. His throne passed on to his daughter, crowned Queen Sibilla II. The king had radically reshaped Gothia during his reign, overturning centuries of Triarian dynastic rule and re-establishing an independent Gothic realm. Nationalism began to stir during his reign, and the king used both real and forged instances of it to expand the realm and bolster his own legitimacy. Gothia emerged from his reign changed from the medieval edifice that the Triarian kings of old had left it. World map, April 1690 
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Feb 7, 2018 00:43
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Has Japanifornia become a colonial territory by now? On that topic, holy poo poo Pequot
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Feb 7, 2018 00:50
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Always rooting for the Sioux.
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Feb 7, 2018 01:23
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Look at that Jerusalem
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Feb 7, 2018 01:55
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Raserys posted:Has Japanifornia become a colonial territory by now? Pequot's thing seems to be that Armorica and Norway suck at actually shipping over enough guys at one time, so they keep sending drips and drabs over whenever there's a colonial war, and the Pequot armies are able to just pick them off as they land. Lord Cyrahzax posted:Look at that Jerusalem
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Feb 7, 2018 18:04
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California's name is based on a mythological land, so you could always use something like that I guess. I can't recall any example in Japanese mythology, but they are heavily influenced by the Chinese so I can picture a colony named Fuso for example (based on Fusang). Just food for thought. 
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Feb 7, 2018 18:57
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Negrostrike posted:California's name is based on a mythological land, so you could always use something like that I guess. That'd be confusing as all hell, considering it's the classical name for Japan itself, and a name for a city in Japan. Magni fucked around with this message at 03:18 on Feb 8, 2018 |
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Feb 8, 2018 03:15
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Californippon
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Feb 8, 2018 08:08
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Well I guess we finally know where the English version of Ace Attorney takes place.
Mr.Morgenstern fucked around with this message at 08:24 on Feb 8, 2018 |
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Feb 8, 2018 08:22
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Call it Gensokyo
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Feb 8, 2018 08:23
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Magni posted:That'd be confusing as all hell, considering it's the classical name for Japan itself, and a name for a city in Japan. Shin Fusou Or Toufusou
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Feb 8, 2018 11:48
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Uminomukō-gawa - "On the Other Side of the Ocean" (according to Google Translate mind you, but still)
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Feb 8, 2018 18:21
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Kariforuniya.
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Feb 8, 2018 18:24
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Luhood posted:Uminomukō-gawa - "On the Other Side of the Ocean" (according to Google Translate mind you, but still) This is kaigai but really long
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Feb 8, 2018 18:30
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Takamagahara, maybe? There really aren't many names for Mythological Places in Japan.
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Feb 8, 2018 19:32
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How bout they convert to Islam and call it Caliphornia?
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Feb 8, 2018 21:27
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Stormgear posted:Takamagahara, maybe? There really aren't many names for Mythological Places in Japan. There's also Ryūgū-jō and Ashihara no Nakatsukuni.
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Feb 8, 2018 22:22
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Why not "Kogane no Jōtai" for "Gold State"?
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Feb 8, 2018 23:13
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Ofaloaf, if you're taking suggestions...Hitlers Gay Secret posted:Why not "Kogane no Jōtai" for "Gold State"? This, or... Technowolf posted:There's also Ryūgū-jō and Ashihara no Nakatsukuni. Edit: Also, is that more Japan in the PNW and South America? Eleven Eleven fucked around with this message at 23:33 on Feb 8, 2018 |
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Feb 8, 2018 23:14
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Kogane doesn't mean gold, it means a small sum of money, and joutai doesn't mean state like a nation, it means state like a condition. A name like 小金の状態 means "in a state of very little money". Japanese place names are usually kanji compounds, for example, 金山 is read as either Kanayama or Kaneyama, both of which mean Gold Mountain. 山の金, yama no kane means, more literally, "mountain of gold", which, while not wrong, isn't the kind of name that's given to a place.
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Feb 9, 2018 00:27
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I'm up for suggestions. Some provinces have specific localization going on, too.Eleven Eleven posted:Edit: Also, is that more Japan in the PNW and South America?
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Feb 9, 2018 02:06
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Raserys posted:Kogane doesn't mean gold, it means a small sum of money, and joutai doesn't mean state like a nation, it means state like a condition. A name like 小金の状態 means "in a state of very little money". Japanese place names are usually kanji compounds, for example, 金山 is read as either Kanayama or Kaneyama, both of which mean Gold Mountain. 山の金, yama no kane means, more literally, "mountain of gold", which, while not wrong, isn't the kind of name that's given to a place. Thanks for being better than Google Translate. 
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Feb 9, 2018 03:08
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Raserys posted:Kogane doesn't mean gold, it means a small sum of money, and joutai doesn't mean state like a nation, it means state like a condition. A name like 小金の状態 means "in a state of very little money". Japanese place names are usually kanji compounds, for example, 金山 is read as either Kanayama or Kaneyama, both of which mean Gold Mountain. 山の金, yama no kane means, more literally, "mountain of gold", which, while not wrong, isn't the kind of name that's given to a place. I live in California and a particular park here is named 'Montaña de Oro' which translates very literally as Mountain of Gold 
A Festivus Miracle fucked around with this message at 04:06 on Feb 9, 2018 |
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Feb 9, 2018 03:34
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To take a note from the old names for regions of japan and how Hokkaido is named, I'd call it Konsando 金山道 or Ryusando 鉚山道.
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Feb 9, 2018 06:09
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