[Europe] we hebben een serieus probleem

The Something Awful Forums > Discussion > C-SPAM > [Europe] we hebben een serieus probleem

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Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1118273354551549952

# ¿ Apr 16, 2019 23:08

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# ¿ Apr 29, 2024 04:21

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

get that OUT of my face posted:

podemos sounds cool but it looks like the right is gonna be in charge of Spain soon. soon everywhere will be fascist

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1103090334953697285

Lusitania soldiers on

# ¿ Apr 17, 2019 01:36

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/abc/status/1120042057731649537?s=21

# ¿ Apr 21, 2019 21:26

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/EuropeElects/status/1120734836065435648

collect 'em all

# ¿ Apr 23, 2019 18:19

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/populismupdates/status/1121439803264790528?s=21
https://twitter.com/monardab/status/1121448176039419905?s=21

# ¿ Apr 26, 2019 16:49

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

the choice between Macron an Le Pen was never simply neoliberal centrist technocrat vs. far right nativist populist, but Dark Enlightenment vs. alt-right

# ¿ Apr 28, 2019 07:20

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

interesting thread about Denmark�s two far right parties

Funny how they�re led by the archetypal contemporary populist fascist figures- a photogenic blonde woman and a disheveled-looking wild man

# ¿ May 18, 2019 17:42

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

an amazing photos thread

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1131757308768165888

# ¿ Jun 3, 2019 21:10

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/populismupdates/status/1170718328421142528?s=21
https://twitter.com/populismupdates/status/1170721203494903809?s=21

# ¿ Sep 8, 2019 18:16

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/erikwill/status/1183420569527771137

# ¿ Oct 14, 2019 23:54

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

yikes

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1202442772608716800

# ¿ Dec 5, 2019 22:08

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Populism Updates trolls a lot, but he did teach me about the surprisingly popular animal rights parties

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1209180292356820992

# ¿ Dec 23, 2019 23:12

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1209547178143666176
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1209548401538322432

# ¿ Dec 25, 2019 00:44

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Looks like the Five Star Movement is collapsing.

# ¿ Jan 19, 2020 10:38

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

M5S turning left?

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1244713920402567170
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1244715272843362305

# ¿ Mar 30, 2020 21:20

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Austrian Greens turning right?

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1245918804879663104
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1245920337201520641

# ¿ Apr 3, 2020 06:20

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

let's build a statue to President Shinra

# ¿ Jun 17, 2020 23:18

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1278069228717740032

# ¿ Jun 30, 2020 23:03

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Interesting thread about Lega Nord going back into its separatist roots if Salvini is sacked

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297640734451933184
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297642154055962625
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297643808029466624
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297644998452633600
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297645982742503425
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1297648656292515840

lol if Lega is facing an identity crisis the same way 5 Star did

Zaia, the Venetian regionalist who might replace Salvini:

https://twitter.com/DrAlbertazziUK/status/1297293077271515143

Maximo Roboto has issued a correction as of 00:02 on Aug 24, 2020

# ¿ Aug 24, 2020 00:00

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/jrteruel/status/1298486235116249089

# ¿ Aug 26, 2020 19:36

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

lmao what the

https://twitter.com/AndreaCeres01/status/1300848071060918274

# ¿ Sep 5, 2020 20:29

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

What's the deal behind Conte anyway

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1311739116875214854

# ¿ Oct 2, 2020 18:20

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1319347020658663424
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1319350853602455552
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1319352756985974785

# ¿ Oct 23, 2020 07:26

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Interesting recent history about the Aufstehen movement that was active in Germany from 2018-2019, focusing on the little-known (outside of Germany) economic ideology of ordoliberalism.

https://twitter.com/syllabus_tweets/status/1278938785187651585

quote:

While the partial symmetry between new would-be populist movements on the left and right is often observed � and the similarities often exaggerated � the curious fact that both AfD and Aufstehen drew on the heritage of the German form of neoliberalism, better known as �ordoliberalism,� is often overlooked. As co-founders of the Mont Pelerin Society and members of the so-called Freiburg School, Ludwig Erhard, Walter Eucken, Wilhelm R�pke, Alexander R�stow and other mid-century ordoliberals contended that a competitive market order could only be secured by a �strong state,� a rule-bound �economic constitution,� and a technocratic approach to anti-inflationary monetary policy. For nearly a century, the ordoliberal tradition has proven both durable and influential for German practitioners of law, economics and politics.

The AfD�s connections to ordoliberalism are many and well-known. The expert commission of the AfD at its origins included Mont Pelerin Society members and ordoliberals Roland Vaubel, Joachim Starbatty and Charles Blankart, and the party program articulated traditional demands for balanced budgets and global economic competitiveness. While these particular intellectuals have since left the party, the leadership and party program remains a fusion of opposition to inflation and state spending with ethnonationalist pronatalism and Islamophobia, the so-called �blue� and �brown� wings of the party.

Aufstehen�s links to ordoliberalism are more surprising. Wagenknecht, the most important thinker and leader in Aufstehen, began appealing to ordoliberalism in the wake of the global financial crisis, when she was elected to the Linke leadership in 2011; the same year she defended her dissertation and published a book, Freiheit statt Kapitalismus (Freedom Not Capitalism). In these, and other writings, Wagenknecht praised the Freiburg School architects of the �social market economy� and embraced Germany�s foundational myth about the postwar �economic miracle� created by the ordoliberals themselves. She argued that Erhard, Eucken, R�pke and R�stow offered a middle way between neoliberal laissez-faire capitalism and GDR-style centralized state planning. While she used the term �creative socialism,� one might also dub it �ordo-socialism�: an attempt to rehabilitate and repurpose German neoliberal thought for the left.

Described by the center-left newsmagazine Der Spiegel as an �archliberal manifesto� that at times plays loose with ordoliberal policy commitments, Wagenknecht argued in her book that �Erhard�s promise� of �prosperity for all� had been broken, thus requiring what she called an �Erhard Reloaded� and a new economic order. Five years later, in another book called Reichtum ohne Gier (Wealth without Greed), she elaborated on this vision for a �strong state� that would not abolish markets, but rather save untethered capitalism from itself: �We need that which the neoliberals write on their flags but destroy in reality: freedom, initiative, competition, performance-based payment, and the protection of self-acquired property.�

A new economic constitution is needed to �reform capitalism,� Wagenknecht argued. Framed by new principles, it would foster �real competition� through aggressive anti-monopoly regulation, incentivize new business creation with minimum quotas for bank lending to small and medium-sized enterprises, reel in the power of speculative financial markets, establish a progressive wealth inheritance tax, require worker representation on corporate boards, and raise the minimum wage. With her earlier language of class antagonism largely absent, Wagenknecht now prescribed welfare-state capitalism with a human face.

# ¿ Nov 10, 2020 21:07

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

The Dissent piece linked to it elaborates on how astroturfed Aufstehen was and bad their politics were- Pop-Up Populism: The Failure of Left-Wing Nationalism in Germany

quote:

It began with a hashtag. The beta version was #fairLand, listed at the head of a document that leaked to the German press in May 2018. Tinkering followed and the movement debuted officially in August across social media platforms as #aufstehen, or �stand up,� with a stick figure logo raising its arms inside of the �a.�

The official website featured a mosaic of interviews with people on street corners, playgrounds, harbors, and benches�all shot by the Cologne-based advertising agency Dreiwerk, better known for its work with clients like T-Mobile and eBay. Signaling the constituency for the movement, the videos included a well-curated palette of faces spanning gender, race, age, and apparently class: �Rene the DJ,� �Margot the pensioner,� �Thomas the businessman.� Streeck would snark later about other political parties with their �PR departments� and �impression management,� but #aufstehen was a start-up social movement self-conscious about just such issues from the jump.

The most important feature of the website was the text box for names and email addresses at the top of the page, hailing the viewer to �be part of the movement!� In coming months, the volume of email addresses accumulated would be cited as crucial evidence of the growing movement�s scale. By the time of #aufstehen�s September 2018 launch�a traditional government-style press conference with veteran politicians from die Linke, the Greens, and the Social Democrats�100,000 users had registered on the site. The number later peaked at around 170,000. The sum made headlines across German media, which noted that the movement�s �membership� was around twice that of die Linke.

The figure was impressive. Yet there was something odd about this would-be grassroots mobilization. Social movements are not typically planned from above with a readymade hashtag, logo, and a date marked on the calendar. Left-populist theorists, some of whom #aufstehen�s leaders quoted, teach that �the people� is always constructed in the course of mobilization. Aufstehen (they dropped the hashtag after a threatened lawsuit from an Austrian group with a near-identical hashtagged name and logo) seemed to be reading the instructions backward. They were conjuring a people before the movement was underway, rolling out a social movement like the latest iPhone.

quote:

Theorists of left populism like to argue that �the people� needs an adversary against which it can define itself. Who was �the adversary� for Aufstehen? It was an eclectic group. At its head was Merkel�s government, followed by the forces of what they called �Goldman Sachs capitalism.� Arrayed behind them were a less typical crew for the left: an alliance of migrants (some of whom were suspect followers of �hate preachers of radicalized Islam�) and the na�ve leftists who loved them. Together, they played the role of useful idiots for a ruling class intent on driving down wages by swamping the remains of the welfare state.

Against this union of elites and outsiders, Aufstehen offered �the realistic left� a middle approach that distinguished between �forced� and �economic� migration�lest all �competitors for scarce resources at the bottom of society� be given access to the German labor market and social welfare benefits. �If the core concern of leftist politics is to represent the disadvantaged,� Wagenknecht explained, �then the no-borders position is the opposite of being on the left.�

Although Aufstehen�s leaders insisted at every opportunity that their movement was not defined by its opposition to migrants, their consistent tack was to recast migrants as either pawns in the game of finance capital or as the phony poster children of misguided urban idealists. �Cosmopolitanism, anti-racism, and protection of minorities,� Wagenknecht claimed, �are feel-good labels to conceal crude upward redistribution and to preserve a good conscience for the beneficiaries.� Streeck went further, calling the use of taxpayer euros for migrant resettlement �morally obligatory expropriation� and casting doubt on the motives of the refugees coming to Germany. In one snide remark, he complained, �we send our own troops into the Afghan fire and simultaneously take as refugees Afghan men who are fit for service and have no desire to stand by our side to fight the Taliban.�

According to Aufstehen�s theorists, real international solidarity meant helping foreigners stay at home and fight their own struggles. In an interview-debate with former AfD leader Frauke Petry, Wagenknecht criticized the AfD for being too open to immigration�specifically, for drawing �highly qualified people from poorer countries,� who would be better off in their native lands. Or, as Streeck put it in an interview: �Would you want Nelson Mandela to be a refugee in Germany? No! He�d be a mail carrier bringing Amazon parcels to your house. . . . he was needed somewhere else.�

Against the Alternative for Germany, Wagenknecht and Streeck posed Attrition for Germany: barricade the remaining territory of the welfare state against the invaders without and their witless accomplices within.

quote:

If part of Aufstehen�s argument rested on debatable assertions about an irreconcilable tension between economic migration and social welfare, the inner logic of the movement relied on an even more dubious chain of equivalences between �postmodernism,� �identity politics,� �political correctness,� and �neoliberalism.� Here the surest guide is the only professional showman in the quartet, Bernd Stegemann.

Described by the media as Aufstehen�s �mastermind� or ��minence grise,� Stegemann called himself �the dramaturge of the movement.� �A dramaturge,� he explained, �talks with the director and the actors, gives input, makes suggestions about what, how, and where things could be done, and so on. In principle that�s my role.� His most recent books�Critique of Theater (2014), In Praise of Realism (2015), The Specter of Populism (2017), and The Morality Trap (2018)�develop what he calls a �political dramaturgy.� When one newspaper described In Praise of Realism as Aufstehen�s secret script, Stegemann clarified that his most recent writings on populism �explain more precisely what we�re trying to do with #aufstehen.�

Stegemann casts �neoliberalism� and �postmodernism� as the dramatis personae of our time. It was this twin menace, he argues, that decimated the welfare state, exterminated class consciousness, and transformed race, gender, and class into matters of mere �social construction.� To reclaim power, left populists need to Make Class Hegemonic Again, thereby blurring established lines between right and left.

The first step, it would seem, is casting opponents of immigration as the designated representatives of �the people.� This also meant catering to AfD voters, who studies have shown tend to be of average or above-average income, disproportionately male, over thirty, of average education, and skeptical of not only immigration but also gender equality and the human provenance of climate change. By design, migrants, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and non-white inhabitants of Germany are left on the margins of �the people.�

Observers have compared Stegemann�s polemics against the German left to Mark Lilla�s denunciations of American liberals, and for good reason. Both trace the breakdown of the center and the rise of the right to the evils of identity politics, and both envision center-left coalitions reforming around concepts like border security, national citizenship, the traditional family, and the homeland.

Like all these cheap manufactured populist movements, they fell apart through infighting and bungling, and their own contradictions-

quote:

Stegemann was successful only at creating diverting dramas, capturing headlines even as whatever momentum Aufstehen had faded. He was also trapped in a performative contradiction of his own making, summoning the working class to the stage to fight the cultural elite of which he was transparently a member.

Maximo Roboto has issued a correction as of 22:17 on Nov 10, 2020

# ¿ Nov 10, 2020 22:15

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

HerraS posted:

thinking melenchon would've treated the muslim population any better is a

Well, he is a gamer after all

https://twitter.com/BigMeanInternet/status/851471657873133568
https://twitter.com/wayne_effect/status/1102560478327394304
https://twitter.com/Alex__1789/status/539418495885508608

# ¿ Nov 23, 2020 23:55

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Truga posted:

i find your lack of accuracy disturbing

https://twitter.com/warren_bass/status/1331043461458518021

(the guy in the pic is orban tho)

Wonder why no one's tried to come up with a Trump-Slovene angle, given his current wife's origin.

# ¿ Nov 24, 2020 19:09

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1333339186775031808

# ¿ Nov 30, 2020 21:10

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1333897672189644801

# ¿ Dec 1, 2020 23:40

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

lol drat

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1334604633285615616

# ¿ Dec 4, 2020 01:44

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

So the prime minister of Hungary and the former prime minister of Romania who just resigned this week are both named Orban? :wth:

# ¿ Dec 9, 2020 06:07

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1357741754875744256
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1357743130527735809
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1357744579215167488

What was Conte about anyway, he didn't seem like a reactionary like the worst aspects of 5 Star

# ¿ Feb 5, 2021 21:47

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

lol is this an act of opportunistic centrism or is this a proof that the center is fascist a la Macron

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1359278070004289536

# ¿ Feb 10, 2021 01:03

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1408451416335667200
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1408452287979167750
https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1408453083839881223

# ¿ Jun 25, 2021 20:29

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Well, liberation theology managed to thread the needle.

# ¿ Oct 5, 2021 20:32

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

Also atheism was really big twenty years ago (at least online) but its power has waned because r/atheism, Sam Harris, Ricky Gervais, etc. have made being outright anti-religion cringe

# ¿ Oct 5, 2021 20:34

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

If they actually secede then there will be an Srpska unrecognized by the EU and the U.S. in the vicinity of a Kosovo unrecognized by Russia. Perfectly balanced. Cute.

# ¿ Oct 22, 2021 04:24

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/PopulismUpdates/status/1502038284653916160

# ¿ Mar 11, 2022 00:52

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/ElectsWorld/status/1511036495741734924

# ¿ Apr 4, 2022 20:35

Adbot: ADBOT LOVES YOU

# ¿ Apr 29, 2024 04:21

Maximo Roboto: Feb 4, 2012

https://twitter.com/luca_taz/status/1574148325196046340

https://twitter.com/bk181_/status/1574148231252033539

https://twitter.com/SziIlar/status/1574148006026297344

# ¿ Sep 25, 2022 22:45

The Something Awful Forums > Discussion > C-SPAM > [Europe] we hebben een serieus probleem

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