Register a SA Forums Account here!

You can: log in, read the tech support FAQ, or request your lost password. This dumb message (and those ads) will appear on every screen until you register! Get rid of this crap by registering your own SA Forums Account and joining roughly 150,000 Goons, for the one-time price of $9.95! We charge money because it costs us money per month for bills, and since we don't believe in showing ads to our users, we try to make the money back through forum registrations.
  • Post
  • Reply
The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007

The vaccine is coming. The Cool Zone is experiencing a warm spell. The cries of "Truml", "Trimp", and "Turg" have mellowed to a gentle murmer. The forums have devolved into debating whether Taintrunner is a lib. The earth is healing. The libs have gone back to brunch.

I've been trying to keep my mind as sharp as possible during the down time, and have started to crack open a few books that have been recommended in the Epstein thread. The problem is there are too many for my semi-fuctional, C-Spam addled brain to handle. So I reach out to my fellow broke-brained posters for aid in this task.

While we have the book thread for general book discussion, I would like to have a repository for any common knowledge we gain from reading books about how this hell world came to be.

So here is my proposal:
If you got the stones (and the free time) for it, grab a book, crack the spine, and get to reading. When you're done, provide a review, a summary or analysis. Was it good? Bad? Would you reccomend it? What were the key take-aways for those of us who won't be reading it? I'll keep track of goon contributions for easy browsing.

Here is a preliminary list of books, most of which were recommended in the Epstein thread. If any of these strike your fancy, them go ahead and claim one. Most are of the conspiratorial variety, but if you know a non-fiction book that is sufficiently C-SPAM,

Chaos: Charles Manson, the CIA, and the Secret History of the Sixties Tom O'Neil A journalist's twenty-year fascination with the Manson murders leads to shocking new revelations about the FBI's involvement in this riveting reassessment of an infamous case in American history. We already have a thread for this one so go ahead and just read that thread instead.
The Franklin Scandal: A Story of Powerbrokers, Child Abuse & BetrayalNick Bryant. A chilling exposé of corporate corruption and government cover-ups, this account of a nationwide child-trafficking and pedophilia ring in the United States tells a sordid tale of corruption in high places.
Surveillance Valley: The Rise of the Military-Digital Complex Yasha Levine. In this fascinating book, investigative reporter Yasha Levine uncovers the secret origins of the internet, tracing it back to a Pentagon counterinsurgency surveillance project.
Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism Micheal Parenti. Blackshirts & Reds explores some of the big issues of our time: fascism, capitalism, communism, revolution, democracy, and ecology—terms often bandied about but seldom explored in the original and exciting way that has become Michael Parenti’s trademark.
Washington Bullets Vijay Prashad. A history of CIA coups and assassinations.
The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in An Age of Diminishing Expectations When The Culture of Narcissism was first published in 1979, Christopher Lasch was hailed as a “biblical prophet” (Time). Lasch’s identification of narcissism as not only an individual ailment but also a burgeoning social epidemic was groundbreaking. His diagnosis of American culture is even more relevant today, predicting the limitless expansion of the anxious and grasping narcissistic self into every part of American life.
Poisoner in Chief: Sidney Gottlieb and the CIA Search for Mind Control The visionary chemist Sidney Gottlieb was the CIA’s master magician and gentlehearted torturer—the agency’s “poisoner in chief.” As head of the MK-ULTRA mind control project, he directed brutal experiments at secret prisons on three continents.
Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA Now Pulitzer Prize–winning author Tim Weiner offers the first definitive history of the CIA—and everything is on the record. LEGACY OF ASHES is based on more than 50,000 documents, primarily from the archives of the CIA itself, and hundreds of interviews with CIA veterans, including ten Directors of Central Intelligence.
The Devil's Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government An explosive, headline-making portrait of Allen Dulles, the man who transformed the CIA into the most powerful—and secretive—colossFshahus in Washington, from the founder of and author of the New York Times bestseller Brothers
Programmed to Kill: The Politics of Serial Murder David McGowan. An Alternate view into serial killers, violent crime, & human trafficking. Supposedly a lot more speculative than many more on this list.
All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror Stephen Kinzer. Operation Ajax and the overthrow of Mohammad Mossadegh.
NATO's Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe Daniele Ganser. This fascinating new study shows how the CIA and the British secret service, in collaboration with the military alliance NATO and European military secret services, set up a network of clandestine anti-communist armies in Western Europe after World War II.
The Splendid Blond Beast: Money, Law, and Genocide in the Twentieth Century Christopher Simpson. The 'Rat Lines.' Or how the CIA rescued Nazi war criminals and how international law and commerce encourages mass killings.
Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy Christopher Simpson. Proabably a similar topic, actually showing where these Nazis went and what they did.
The Management of Savagery: How America's National Security State Fueled the Rise of Al Qaeda, ISIS, and Donald Trump Max Blumenthal. The Rise of jihad and western ultra-nationalism.
Operation Mind Control Walter H. Bowart. Written all the way back in 1977. Linking Lee Harvey Oswald, James Earl Ray and Sirhan Sirhan with Operation Mind Control.
Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America Kurt Andersen. Ther re-emmergence of the right wing in economics and law, and liberal "useful idiots."
Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right Jane Mayer. Going into the right-wing influence networks funding libertarian ideas and the Koch network.
Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion Gary Webb. The immergence of crack-cocaine and the link to the CIA and contra affair. Gary Webb committed "suicide" after the book came out.
:siren: The Operators: The Wild and Terrifying Inside Story of America's War in Afghanistan Michael Hastings. Expose on the Afghan war which led to Stanley McCrystal's resignation. Micheal Hasting's car mysteriously accelerated to a deadly crash. Some think his car was hacked from the CIA's "weeping angel virus" and the death may have been foul play.


The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007


The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007

So here's a book that was a low priority on my book list. But something about "Guy blows up his RV outside an AT&T building that was a major communications hub but wasn't known publicly as such. Also the guy's girlfriend called the cops saying that he was building bombs, and they showed up put very little effort into finding said bombs, and then tried to get the lady committed to a mental institution" made me decide to bump it up the queue.

So I present to you:

Maximum Harm: The Tsarnaev Brothers, the FBI and the Road to the Marathon Bombing by Michele R. McPhee

Quotes directly from the book, (italicized items in quotes added by me)

The prologue covers the actual day of the Boston marathon bombing. The carnage caused was legitimately horrifying, especially as the pressure-cooker bombs were placed on ground level in the middle of tighly packed crowds. Dozens of lost limbs, mostly legs and 2 women and a young boy lost their lives, the details are genuinely . It is, however, darkly humorous how often a cop on the scene is interviewed and it goes something like "Police Sargeant Sean O'BlackKidBeater was in the infantry in Iraq and said, "There was blood everywhere, I expect that kind of carnage in Fallujah, but not here!'" without the slightest twinge of irony.

But if the day of the bombings were tragedy, the manhunt quickly devolves into farce. It's obvious very early that the while the BPD and FBI are investigating the bombing, the the feds are watching the cops.


“We got a report of a suspicious vehicle,” Lowe told the driver. “Can I ask why you are parked here?”
“Just waiting for somebody. I’ll be leaving in a little bit,” the driver said. He then drove off. The person he was “waiting for” was apparently not going to show up.
At 6:15 P.M., after the Ford Explorer had pulled away, Lowe spotted another SUV around the corner on Erie Street. This one was a Chevy Tahoe with smoked-out, or intentionally dark tinted, windows. He called the information in to the dispatchers. The rear window on the passenger side slid down as Lowe got close, Congressional investigators would later learn when they interviewed multiple Cambridge police officials who had concerns about what had happened that night.
“Sir,” Lowe said, “can I ask why you are parked here?”
The driver didn’t turn around. Instead he twisted his upper body toward the sergeant at his passenger side window and grunted: “I’m with the FBI.”
“Okay, I need to see some ID?”
The driver fumbled in the vehicle’s console next to him and pulled out a wallet, flipping it open and holding it out to Lowe with the ID extended.
“Can you hand it to me?”
The sergeant was taken aback. “Sir. I need to see your ID.”
“I’m with the FBI. Can you please leave?”
“I need to see your ID,” Lowe repeated.
“I’m not giving it to you, dude,” the driver said.
Lowe climbed back into his cruiser and reported in, according to the Cambridge Police Department report. “STOPPED A VEHICLE. PARTIALLY OBSTRUCTED PLATE. PERSON INSIDE ID’ED SELF AS FED AGENT. WOULD NOT PRESENT ID TO CAR 18.” As Lowe spoke with the dispatcher, the SUV took off.
Then, at 6:35 P.M., Cambridge Police Officer Peter Vellucci spotted the vehicle that Lowe had called in near Allston and Brookline Streets. He followed it, calling his location in to the dispatch officer. According to the report, ten minutes later another SUV with a “sketchy guy” began to follow Vellucci’s cruiser. The two SUV license plates were obstructed. That meant only one thing to local police: the drivers were feds.
Something was clearly going on in Cambridge that night that the feds did not want to share with local law enforcement officials. All week there had been whispers about arguments at the Black Falcon Cruise Terminal evidence center. There ten separate viewing stations with computer terminals had been set up along three rows to review the 655 videos that the FBI would later say had been collected as part of the investigation. Cops and agents sat side by side looking for anyone in the footage who looked out of place or nervous, or who was carrying a black backpack—the pieces of which had been found in the flesh of some of the marathon bombing victims and collected by FBI forensic examiners at hospitals all over the city. Off to one side, remembered one veteran BPD homicide investigator, two FBI agents sat alone. They didn’t introduce themselves. They didn’t mingle. Instead they compared photos in their laps with photos on their computer screen, a detail corroborated by other witnesses who requested anonymity. The FBI had sent an expert from its Forensic Audio, Video, and Image Analysis Unit, Special Agent Anthony Imel, from his lab at Quantico, Virginia, to Boston to oversee the data collection. Imel did not appear to have any oversight of the FBI agents sitting by themselves, the witnesses said. A local FBI special agent, Kevin Swindon, who supervised the Boston division’s Computer Analysis Response Team, didn’t either. He was too busy analyzing a security tape taken from inside the Forum restaurant, which in a clear and horrifying way showed the second blast. “We had numerous amounts of employees watching this video over and over and over again,” he would later tell ABC News. “We couldn’t see anything that stuck out.”

One man from the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) finally could not take it any longer. He stood up and confronted the duo: “What are you guys looking at?” There was no response. A retired investigator who was there later recalled in an interview conducted on background that the DEA agent said: “gently caress you guys. You know who these mutts are and you’re not sharing!” The agent stormed out. But his words stuck with the other officers and agents still looking at the videos. Those FBI agents were not seen at the evidence center again.

Multiple police officers assigned to work at the Black Falcon Cruise Terminal but not authorized to speak on the record have told me: “They knew. They held it [the information] for days. They knew.”

If in fact the FBI had known the identity of the baseball-cap-wearing bombers and had shared that information with local law enforcement agents, would (officer) Sean Collier be alive today?

That was a question that would eventually be asked on Capitol Hill by federal lawmakers—in particular, Senator Grassley. After meeting with multiple MIT police officers and Cambridge police officials, Grassley fired off a letter to FBI Director Robert Mueller that contained some pointed questions. Grassley wrote that “uniformed members of the Cambridge Police Department encountered multiple teams of FBI employees conducting surveillance. It is unclear who the FBI was watching.” He then asked Mueller, “was the FBI conducting surveillance in the area of Central Square in the City of Cambridge on the night MIT Officer Sean Collier was shot dead?”

To this day the FBI categorically denies knowing who the bombers were before one of them was killed in the gun battle. On October 18, 2013, the FBI’s Boston field office released a strongly worded statement after Grassley’s letter became public: “There has been recent reporting relating to whether or not the FBI, Boston Police, Massachusetts State Police, or other members of the Joint Terrorism Task Force knew the identities of the bombers before the shootout with the alleged marathon bombing suspects and were conducting physical surveillance of them on April 18, 2013. These claims have been repeatedly refuted by the FBI, Boston Police, and Massachusetts State Police. To be absolutely clear: No one was surveilling the [bombers], and they were not identified until after the shootout. Any claims to the contrary are false.”

No one really believed the FBI’s denials, especially local law enforcement officials. The night of Collier’s death, the question became not just what the FBI was trying to hide, but also who. And of course, why?

Cambridge police officers would not be the only ones asking. Privately BPD officials and MSP brass began to speculate that all along FBI agents had known much more about the bombers than what they had shared with local law enforcement agents. That speculation became more urgent at 12:51 A.M. on Friday, April 19, when two of their own, BPD Detective Ken Conley and MSP Trooper Dan Wells were nearly shot to death by friendly fire when the unmarked MSP pickup truck they were driving in was mistaken for a vehicle that had been erroneously reported as stolen. (LMFAO) Both men were assigned to the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) in Boston, and they had been assigned to be in the area of Cambridge the night before in plainclothes.They heard the “officer down” call and responded to it. Then came another urgent message of “shots fired” from a Watertown police officer. As they made their way toward Watertown a “be on the lookout” (BOLO) warning was issued for “an unmarked black MSP pickup truck.” 11

An MSP trooper spotted an unmarked black MSP pickup truck traveling on Adams Street and opened fire. The trooper’s twenty-one shots pierced the vehicle, but miraculously the two cops inside were not hit. One of the bullets was lodged in the headrest on the driver’s side, just inches from where Conley was sitting (both men were later honored at the White House by President Barack Obama, albeit quietly, almost secretly). Still, no explanation was ever given of how the two members of the JTTF made it to Watertown so quickly. And multiple law enforcement agents noted that on Thursday night the same vehicle had been in the same area of Cambridge where the other FBI vehicles had been spotted, an area that police would soon learn was the bombers’ neighborhood.

Commissioner Davis would soon raise his own questions about the FBI very publicly at a Congressional hearing, at which FBI agents steadfastly refused to show up to provide answers.

This is a pattern we'll see over and over again; the FBI behaves in a way in which they know more about the bombers than they'll admit to.


The Boston Marathon attack was at the forefront of everyone’s minds and was the focus of dozens of federal agents who flew in from all over the country to assist agents in the FBI’s Boston field office, as well as every rank-and-file cop in the state and (Officer) DiFava. In the months before the marathon bombings, MIT had its own set of problems that did not, at first glance, appear to have anything to do with the bloodbath on Boylston Street.

Those problems came from a group of anarchist hackers who belonged to an underground network known as Anonymous. One of the group’s heroes, Aaron Swartz—a technology visionary, political activist, and cofounder of the website Reddit, which he helped launch in 2005 out of an apartment in Somerville—had been found hanged months earlier, a tragic end to a two-year saga that began when the millionaire was arrested on charges of violating the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. The Secret Service, which was among the multiple federal agencies prosecuting Swartz, had noted his suicide with a memo to federal prosecutors, now part of the public court filing, that read: “On 1/11/13 Aaron Swartz was found dead in his apartment in Brooklyn, New York—an apparent suicide.” It continued: “A suppression hearing in this had been scheduled for 1/25/13 with a trial date of 4/1/13, in U.S. District Court of the District of Massachusetts.” A suppression hearing meant that the charges would be dropped—in this case, because the target of the criminal charges was dead.

However, a trial of a very different sort—in the court of public opinion—was about to rock the Massachusetts US Attorney’s Office.
On January 4, 2011, he snuck into the basement of MIT’s Building 16, hid an electronic notebook connected to a hard drive under a box in a dusty wiring closet, and began to download material. Two days later he went back for the hard drive, hiding his identity hacker style. “As Swartz entered the wiring closet he held his bicycle helmet like a mask to shield his face, looking through ventilation holes in the helmet,” federal prosecutors said in a court document. Swartz, who was not affiliated with MIT, was arrested on federal charges. On January 19, 2011, he pleaded not guilty and posted a $100,000 bond. Swartz’s arrogance was obvious even when he was arrested. Secret Service agents noted that he demanded, “What took you so long?” when they showed up at his apartment with an arrest warrant. This arrogance was one of the reasons that his suicide came as such a shock to the technology community, and even to the law enforcement officials who were prosecuting him.

US Attorney Carmen Ortiz announced that her office would drop the case against Swartz on January 14, 2011, three days after his suicide, and released a statement reading:

As a parent and a sister, I can only imagine the pain felt by the family and friends of Aaron Swartz, and I want to extend my heartfelt sympathy to everyone who knew and loved this young man. I know that there is little I can say to abate the anger felt by those who believe that this office’s prosecution of Mr. Swartz was unwarranted and somehow led to the tragic result of him taking his own life [...] The prosecutors recognized that there was no evidence against Mr. Swartz indicating that he committed his acts for personal financial gain, and they recognized that his conduct—while a violation of the law—did not warrant the severe punishments authorized by Congress and called for by the Sentencing Guidelines in appropriate cases. That is why in the discussions with his counsel about a resolution of the case this office sought an appropriate sentence that matched the alleged conduct—a sentence that we would recommend to the judge of six months in a low security setting [...] At no time did this office ever seek—or ever tell Mr. Swartz’s attorneys that it intended to seek—maximum penalties under the law.

Her apology did little to appease the twenty-four-year-old hacker-activist’s supporters. In the days after the bombing on Boylston Street in April 2013, even as the mayhem resulting from that attack made international headlines and the hunt for the bombers continued, Ortiz was still receiving death threats from Swartz supporters who blamed her office and what they called “overzealous prosecution” for his suicide. The threats were part of an ongoing battle against the government and MIT that had begun three days after his death, when Anonymous hacked the university’s website and posted a memorial to Swartz followed by a list of demands.
The hackers carried out their threat. On February 23, 2013, an e-mail was sent to Cambridge Police Department reporting that a “male with a large firearm and wearing body armor” was on the MIT campus, a threat that caused immediate panic and sent university police, Cambridge cops, and state troopers to the campus. As the manhunt for the gunman was under way another e-mail was sent and a phone call was made, both of which warned that the gunman on campus was “retaliating against the people involved in the suicide of Aaron Swartz” and named an MIT employee as a possible target. But there was no gunman.
The harassment continued even after the jihadists bombed the finish line of the Boston Marathon. In fact, four separate unfounded bomb threats were made in Cambridge on the day of the marathon bombing, including on one of MIT’s campuses—threats that officials have since blamed on hoaxers like the members of Anonymous.

Not only was every cop on high alert looking for the bombers, but there was also chatter from Cambridge cops about federal agents inexplicably setting up surveillance teams all around MIT’s campus.

Four days after the bombings, MIT police officer Sean Collier gets murdered on routine patrol by Tamerlan, and his little brother Dzhokhar attempts to take his gun, but can't get past Collier's holster lock. Tamerlan then carjacks a Chinese business man, Dun Meng and forces Meng to drive him around Boston, picking up his little brother Dzhokhar, who load equipment into Meng's mercedes and follows in another car. Meng later manages to slip out of the car and run to a gas station, where the clerk calls 9-11.


That same night another incident sent Cambridge police officers racing to the area around MIT. Around 10:20 P.M., at the same time Collier was murdered, a bearded man in a floppy hat pulled a gun on a clerk at a 7-Eleven—while talking on his cell phone. The robber held up the convenience store while calmly chatting with someone.

Today multiple law enforcement officials say—but only privately, for fear of reprisals because there have been no charges—that they believe the robber was a man named (make sure to remember this guy) Daniel Morley , an anarchist who was photographed by the New York Police Department (NYPD) as he led an Occupy Wall Street march through lower Manhattan. His activities that day led to his arrest in New York, though the charges were later dropped. His rabid anti-establishment politics led him to join groups like the Free Staters, and he had links to Anonymous.

A patrol car notices Meng's Mercedes, and as he begins to follow, the brothers leave their car and start shooting. A shootout ensues as more cops begin to show up. Tamerlan begins throwing pipe bombs and another pressure-cooker bomb at the police.


Looking toward MacLellan, he knew his sergeant hadn’t seen the size of the bomb. Reynolds grabbed MacLellan’s shoulder and pulled him along. The blast knocked both policemen and Floyd to their knees and terrified everyone in the neighborhood.

Reynolds’s ears were ringing so loudly that he couldn’t hear the car alarms that had begun to blare. A black cloud of smoke covered the two policemen as debris from the blast zone rained on their heads. MacLellan was so shaken that he holstered his weapon. “It was incredible. It was horrendous. Very loud. I had to reholster my weapon to be able to straighten my head to be able to see,” MacLellan would later say. He could feel “debris raining down. For some reason I thought shingles were coming off houses, but it was just stuff landing all around us, smoke, car alarms going off, people screaming.”

And the bullets kept coming, he remembered. “To me there were simultaneous flashes coming toward us. There were two handguns being shot.” That recollection would prove interesting, as only one gun and a BB pellet rifle were recovered at the scene, which raised questions about possible accomplices.

Neighbors peered out of windows and watched as the taller gunman walked straight toward the cops. He was not firing or hurrying—just walking with the gun at his side. By then (officer) Pugliese had flanked the Mercedes from a side yard. He climbed over a chain-link fence and a picket fence and then reached the rear of 89 Dexter Avenue. The sight of a white male in a white T-shirt sitting outside the house briefly delayed his progress toward the gunfight.

“Stop right there,” Pugliese yelled.6 This man was not showing any weapons but was clearly up to no good, since he was just sitting calmly in a shootout, and Pugliese was concerned he could be connected to the suspects somehow. That suspicion was heightened when, on seeing the cop, the man hopped over a fence and sprinted away. He was the least of Pugliese’s worries at that moment, but the man’s presence would eventually raise questions when investigators began to look into the actions of anyone who might have helped the Boston Marathon bombers.

“There is an individual fleeing the area,” Pugliese radioed the dispatcher and then he quickly put the unidentified man out of his mind. So did the rest of the police in the area. They had more pressing concerns, such as running out of ammunition.

All the cops on the scene agree that two hand guns were being fired at the police, and Dun Meng would later state that both brothers had guns. Which would raise the question why only one gun is ever found, and. if they acted alone, they would need to try to get a third gun by killing Collier.

One cop almost died from a gunshot to the groin, and another suffers head trauma from a blast that would countirbute to his death from an aneurism a year later. Eventually Tamerlan's gun jams and Pugliese rushes to tackle him. No one notices Dzhokhar get back into the Mercedes where he tries to run over Pugliese. He barely misses and hits Tamerlan then drives away and escapes on foot. Tamerlan dies in an ambuance a few minutes later. A manhunt begins for suspect 2 (Dzhokhar).


FBI agents then congregated at a two-family house at 89 Dexter Avenue in Watertown that would soon become a focus of the Boston Marathon bombings investigation, one that would be conducted in top secrecy by the FBI. This was the two-family house that the carjacking victim Dun Meng told investigators the smaller carjacker emerged from when Meng pulled up with the larger man. Agents went into the house multiple times on the night that Meng reported its address to police.

The Marathon bombers did not come to live in that tightknit Watertown neighborhood by accident. They had friends in the area, fellow Muslims who were in the United States to study English. One eighteen-year-old resident of 89 Dexter Avenue—Ahmed Al-Ruwaili, from Saudi Arabia—looked so much like the smaller suspect at large that he was handcuffed, spirited out of Watertown, and questioned for hours and later moved from Watertown altogether. He told a Saudi Arabian newspaper that the “officers were armed to the teeth. Everything you can imagine, guns, machine guns, electronic devices, etc.”17 Al-Ruwaili was in a common kitchen on the students’ side of the two-family house when the officers broke into the house. The first thing they asked all the students to do was to get on the floor and put their hands behind their backs. Then they took off the students’ shoes, handcuffed them, and led them outside the house for individual interrogations. Half an hour later, they freed all the students and let them go inside—except for Al-Ruwaili. “They pulled out a picture and flashed it in front of my eyes and asked me if it was my photo,” he told the Saudi Arabian newspaper.
he photo was the one released just hours earlier by the FBI of the man known as Suspect White Hat. The same man had gotten away from the firefight in Watertown, likely killing his associate in the process.

Another resident of the house became known as “Naked Guy,” because he was videotaped by a CNN news crew sprawled face down on the ground after he had been ordered to strip in case he was strapped with explosives. He bore a striking resemblance to the older suspect, muscular and with dark skin, thick dark hair, and a scraggly beard. BPD Deputy Superintendent Dan Linskey was the one who ordered the man to remove his clothes, fearing that he was the man wearing the suicide vest that corresponded with a dead man’s switch (a device used to detonate such a vest found in the bushes on Laurel Street after the shootout ended). The man was questioned but released that night.

However, the FBI would be back. There was no explanation for the smaller man’s emergence from 89 Dexter Avenue that the carjacking victim had reported. When I visited the house in the days after the gun battle, the landlord, an electrical engineer who collected toy car parts like the ones used to build the detonator found on Boylston Street after the bomb blasts, pressed a finger to his lips and warned me, “Be careful what you say. This place is bugged by the FBI.” To this day no one from the house has been publicly identified as a possible codefendant—although some cops suspect that members of a larger cell working with the Marathon bombers had been living there.


Every fragment of evidence needed to be processed and catalogued. In the first twenty-four hours after the dual blasts were detonated, the FBI computer forensics teams had amassed an astonishing ten terabytes of data, enough to fill the hard drives of ten high-end laptop computers. Every shred of material had been painstakingly collected during three straight days of work at the Boylston Street crime scene by agents from the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), working with BPD crime scene technicians and even firefighters from Ladder 15/Engine 33, who used ladders to retrieve shrapnel from rooftops.
One BPD technician, Terrence “Shane” Burke, was a former US Marine who had barely survived a similar attack fighting in Fallujah, Iraq, in 2006. He could not help but be reminded of the horror he witnessed overseas—fatal IED attacks similar to the blood-splattered street in Boston where he collected evidence after the attack.
But it was a photo turned into the FBI that a tourist had taken on his iPhone at 2:37 P.M. on Monday that would prove to be the most critical piece of evidence identifying the bombers. The photo showed Suspect White Hat. Standing behind Roseann Sdoia and the Richard family on Boylston Street, the man was smirking. He lowered his right shoulder
and dropped his backpack right behind a row of children. Three minutes later he made a phone call. The first blast came at 2:48 P.M., and he didn’t even turn his head at the explosion.

“Look at this,” remarked Kieran Ramsey, the FBI assistant special agent in charge of the FBI’s Boston field office.3 “He stood behind that family for five full minutes knowing he was going to bomb that family.” As a father, Ramsey was horrified. As an agent, he was apoplectic that terrorists would target children, a tactic he was familiar with in the Middle East but not on the East Coast.

Empire comes home.

A wounded Dzhokhar hids himself in a boat, where we finds a pencil and writes:


I’m jealous of my brother who has received the reward of jannutul Firdaus heaven inshallah before me. I do not mourn because his soul is very much alive. God has a plan for each person. Mine was to hide in this boat and shed some light on our actions. I ask Allah to make me a shahied, to allow me to return to him and be among all the righteous people in the highest levels of heaven.

He who Allah guides no one can misguide!

I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and that Muhammad is his messenger [hole] r actions came with [hole] a [hole] ssage and that is [hole] ha Illalah. The U.S. Government is killing our innocent civilians but most of you already know that. As a M [hole] I can’t stand to see such evil go unpunished, we Muslims are one body, you hurt one you hurt us all, well at least that’s how Muhammad (pbuh) wanted it to be [hole] ever, the ummah [community of Muslims] is beginning to rise/awa [hole] has awoken the mujahideen [sic; holy warriors], know you are fighting men who look into the barrel of your gun and see heaven, now how can you compete with that. We are promised victory and we will surely get it. Now I don’t like killing innocent people it is forbidden in Islam but due to said [hole] it is allowed.

Note: [hole] means a bullet hole. The SWAP team properly ventilated the boat.


McCarthy was among the bomb scene technicians who made their way to the stolen Mercedes. The SUV’s doors were open, and on the floorboard in the backseat on the driver’s side was a plastic container with a long piece of green hobby wire (part of an explosive’s chain that acts to ignite items like fireworks or toy rockets, hobby wire burns down and then hits an explosive charge to spark a blast).
The device was referred to by investigators, and eventually by federal prosecutors, as a Tupperware bomb because of the container it was kept in. (Tupperware released a statement in 2015 pointing out that the description was inaccurate because the device was actually constructed in a Rubbermaid plastic container, but the name Tupperware bomb stuck.) (OK, this made me Lol) The bomb was clearly created to take out emergency responders or bomb squad technicians who came to search the vehicle, and it was not an item that anyone wanted to handle. It was too heavy for a bomb robot to disarm, so the specialists on scene put on their bomb suits and attached a heavy clamp to the device. McCarthy attached the clamp to a rope, wrapped the rope around a tree limb, went behind a house to take cover, and pulled the rope. The Tupperware container flew out of the vehicle and into the street, where the specialists examined it. Three pieces of hobby wire were snaked into three pounds of explosive powder. The long piece of green hobby wire appeared to be have been designed specifically to allow the bomb to be detonated from a distance.
Strangely, though the FBI and MSP bomb experts would later describe the Tupperware device—which possessed “all the components, the non-electrical fusing system, the main charge and the container,” including three pounds of explosive powder, needed to create an extremely powerful IED2—no one would ever be charged with possessing it. Tsarnaev would be charged with possession of the four pipe bombs, two of which had been detonated two of which were duds, and the four-quart Fagor pressure-cooker bomb detonated in Watertown, as well as the weapons of mass destruction that exploded on Boylston Street—but not with possessing the Tupperware device.

The boat owner finds a bloodied man in the boat and calls the police. A SWAT team arrives, fully kitted out with M4 rifles and gear and surround the boat.


The FBI was about to throw flash-bang and stun grenades into the boat to disorient the suspect. “There is movement on top of the stairs. Beware of booby traps,” a dispatcher transmitted over the radio.

That movement sparked chaos, and at 6:54 P.M. all control was lost. A police officer saw something shifting in the boat, thought the suspect was armed, and opened fire. That prompted more gunshots—all fired by cops, and none by the suspect, who turned out to be unarmed. To this day no one knows who fired that first round. The gunfire went on for ten to fifteen seconds, and when it was over, 126 bullets had been fired into the boat.

“Shots fired! Shots fired,” Evans screamed into his radio. Bullets kept ringing out. He couldn’t believe it. A cop was more likely to be hit than the suspect inside the boat. Furious, Evans jumped out of his car with a megaphone in his hand: “Hold your fire! Hold your fire! There are friendlies all around this boat.”(Hahahahahaha)

These SWAT idiots almost ventilated each other given that they surrounded the boat. Just the kind of competence you expect from {In Mark Whalberg voice:} "Ouha fine boys in blueh!" {Beats Vietnamese man}

The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007



In 2002 the odd jobs dried up for Anzor(The Father), and he had some trouble with local government officials. Anzor and Zubeidat (Mother) successfully applied for a ninety-day tourist visa to visit family members in the Boston area.2 Even though it was one of nearly a dozen moves the family had made, this time they were leaving the country. Zubeidat met her family for a last goodbye before she left. The mood was subdued. For once, Zubeidat was quiet and acting like a dutiful wife to Anzor. For one thing, would be his family they would be relying on for help in the United States—in particular, his younger brother Ruslan Tsarni (he had changed his surname). A lawyer, Ruslan had moved to the United States in 1995 and had become an American citizen after marrying the daughter of a Russian-speaking CIA official, a Harvard University graduate who had served as the vice chair of the National Intelligence Council, a prestigious post reserved for the most revered spooks.
The Tsarnaevs moved into a cramped top-floor apartment at 410 Norfolk Street in Cambridge, owned by a friend of Ruslan’s, a Russian émigré named Alexander Lipson who taught Russian and Slavic linguistics at Harvard University. One of Lipson’s brightest students was a longtime CIA operative named Graham Fuller, whose biography states “that he “first became smitten with the Middle East at age 16 while reading National Geographic magazines and being enticed by the exotic landscapes, the culture, and the crazy shapes of the Arabic language that I decided I had to learn. I studied a lot about the Middle East, and Russia, when I was in university. I always expected to become an academic, but my draft board deemed otherwise; I was drafted and sent into intelligence work. I had an extraordinary chance to learn about the Middle East first hand while serving as a CIA operations officer all over—Turkey, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Afghanistan and Hong Kong for two decades. It was an education in itself, and a chance to travel and learn a lot of languages, which I loved. I then ‘came in from the cold’ and was appointed a top analyst at CIA for global forecasting.” He retired from the CIA in 1987 but continues to write about the Middle East for various think tanks.

According to some of Fuller’s writings, he advised the administrations of both President Ronald Reagan and President Bill Clinton to use Muslim extremists to fight the former Soviet Union. “Fuller knew that the Northern Caucasus was full of angry young Muslim Salafists who could be recruited, along with jihadists from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and other Middle Eastern countries whose people were angry at the Russians. All of these recruits could be trained in techniques of guerilla insurgency and sent to fight against the Soviets in occupied Afghanistan. These soldiers were called mujahedin. CIA-trained mujahedin operated later in Chechnya, Dagestan, and other Muslim-occupied areas of the former Soviet Union and Afghanistan. In fact, one of them was a Saudi named Osama bin Laden.

It remains unclear how Ruslan and Fuller met, but there is no question that they became close. Fuller now says that his daughter was married to Ruslan for about five years and spent a year living with him in Bishkek—one of the cities where the Tsarnaev family had lived before immigrating to the United States.

Immigration officials believed Anzor’s story that his life was in danger because of his Chechen heritage and granted the family refugee status within weeks of their arrival in 2002. That meant that Tamerlan, Bella, and Ailina—then sixteen, fourteen, and twelve, respectively—would also be invited into the United States as refugees. Inexplicably, the siblings traveled to Turkey to make the trip to the United States, rather than fly out of Moscow; they arrived in the United States on July 19, 2003. It is worth noting that Fuller had lived in Turkey extensively and wrote a book about the region, The New Turkish Republic: Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World, that was published five years later.

“A strange question would emerge in 2016 when Tamerlan’s immigration records were released after a Freedom of Information Act Request was granted, nearly three years after a similar request made by members of Congress was denied by Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Janet Napolitano. In the records, which included dozens of pages of entirely redacted material, were two “Medical Examination for Immigrant or Refugee Applicant” forms for Tamerlan. Both listed the same name (Tamerlan Tsarnaev) and date of birth (October 21, 1986). Both had been filled out at the US embassy in Ankara, Turkey. Both noted that Tamerlan did not have an “apparent defect, disease, or disability” or HIV 1 or HIV 2. However, he did test positive for tuberculosis in Cambridge and received medicine for the condition, which is often cited as a reason not to admit an immigrant seeking asylum into the country, immigration experts say.

Both were dated July 10, 2003. But the photo attached to one form showed a blue-eyed man who did not resemble Tamerlan at all. The photo stapled to the other form showed the sixteen-year-old Tamerlan. Both men were photographed wearing identical patterned shirts with black collars, something the State Department—which perhaps not coincidentally oversees the CIA—has yet to explain.

Two copies of Tamerlan's immigration file. The one one the left looks like Tamerlan, the one one right does not.

Let't take a closer look, shall we?

Not only is the shirt a pixel-perfect copy, so is the neck, mouth and hairline (though it has been stretched a bit on the right, perhaps due to the photocopy machine.) If one looks like it's been touched up, its definitely the left one, but it's a bit hard to know for certain.

So let's recap, the Tsarnaev familiy was in the US because a spook wanted them there. And I mean wanted him here enough to fake immigration documents. And not just any spook.

Some independant research here:

Graham Fuller is supposedly the man who convinced CIA Director Bill Casey and the Reagan Administration to recruit fundamentalist Muslim Salafists or Jihadists from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and elsewhere, train them in techniques of guerilla insurgency and send them against the Soviet-occupied Afghanistan. And was the Kabul station chief up until the Soviets invasion of Afghanistan. Not well reported on (for obvious reasons) was that Mujahadeen fighters were leading attacks against the Soviet Union proper, launched out of Afghanistan. It seems inconvievable that Fuller did not at minimum know about these attacks, if not materially support them.

Fuller was also akey CIA figure in convincing the Reagan Administration to tip the balance in the eight-year-long Iran-Iraq war by using Israel to channel weapons to Iran in what became the Iran-Contra Affair. As well, in 1999, around the time his daughter Samantha and “Uncle” Ruslan Tsarnaev lived at his home near Washington, Fuller, former Deputy Director of the CIA’s National Council on Intelligence, then a senior figure at the Pentagon and CIA-linked RAND corporation, advocated using Muslim forces to further US interests in Central Asia. Stating:
“The policy of guiding the evolution of Islam and of helping them against our adversaries worked marvelously well in Afghanistan against [the Russians]. The same doctrines can still be used to destabilize what remains of Russian power, and especially to counter the Chinese influence in Central Asia.”

We should also note that Ruslan has worked in the past for companies tied to Dick Cheney’s Halliburton as well as a “consultant” in Kazakhstan with the State Department’s USAID which has been identified as a CIA front.


Shortly after the move, Ruslan moves to D.C. He has a strong dislike for Zubeidat, whom he blames for the children going rotten. Tamerlan's sisters turn into unwed teenage mothers, and Tamerlan gets arrested for beating his girlfriend, they break up and he starts a new relationship with Katherine Russell. Her mother is horrified in 2010 when Katherine starts wearing a hijab and begins studying the Quran. Katherine grows distant from her family and friends.


Tamerlan was not just verbally and physically abusive; he was also a womanizer who cheated on Katherine repeatedly. The cheating came as a relief to (Kathrine's mother) Judy, she said: “I didn’t really want her to be with him. I didn’t think they were a good match. He didn’t seem to have any—[pause]. The only thing he had passion about, what really was driving him was boxing at that point. So he didn’t really have a job.”
Tamerlan may have started a new life with Katherine—growing a five-inch beard and beginning to abstain from drugs and alcohol like a good Muslim—but his arrest for domestic violence against Nadine continued to haunt him. In fact, the arrest made him ineligible for US citizenship for five years, under the morals clause condition contained in the naturalization process that political refugees like the Tsarnaevs were eligible for: he had committed an act of “moral turpitude.”

That was a devastating blow for someone who dreamed of fighting in the Olympic games as a member of the US boxing team.
Tamerlan started keeping a journal with entries on Islam and his life. In one he wrote: “Now I live because I’m a warrior . . . and someday I want to stand before the One. The mujahedeen spent a long time living in a dream. And is slowly waking up.”18 He wanted to wake up his brother, Dzhokhar, who was living too much like an infidel, dealing marijuana at his college (the University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth) and partying unrelentingly, sometimes with Tamerlan’s old friends.

Investigators believe that Tamerlan woke his inner mujahedin with his participation in a grisly triple homicide that took place on the ten-year anniversary of 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Brendan Mess lived in an apartment in Waltham, dating a "smoking hot" Sudanese woman named Hibatalla Eltilib. Hiba had recently been trying to convert Brendan to Islam, and he was unreceptive. During one fight she exploded and threw beer bottles and knives at him, and he kicked her out.


Erik was excited when he got to Brendan’s. It was going to be their first boys’ night in a while. Brendan and Erik had been friends for a long time, even though Brendan was twenty-five and Erik thirty-one. Both men were from Cambridge and had graduated from Cambridge Rindge and Latin. Raphael “Rafi” Teken—at thirty-seven, the oldest of the group of friends—was a rich kid who had gone to private school, but he enjoyed the company of Erik and Brendan. All three were regulars at Wai Kru, the mixed martial arts gym in nearby Brighton that Tamerlan Tsarnaev also frequented. Tonight the boys planned to smoke weed and stay in. Rafi had never been a fan of Hiba either, so when Erik walked in, they high-fived each other that the crazy bitch was gone and they could go back to the lifestyle they liked. They also liked to record that lifestyle in cell phone videos, like the one that showed Brendan at a pool party taking a deep drag on a fat blunt and then blowing it out, smiling, and declaring it “extra funky.”3 Brendan had no room in his life for drama—even if it came from a smoking hot woman, and especially when she started to say what his friends would remember as “a lot of controversial poo poo.”
Erik, a body builder, owed a lot of people money for the drugs that he was supposed to sell, narcotics that had been seized by the police in the January raid. One of his suppliers was a dangerous Armenian named Safwan Madarati. He had a lot of connections to the dirty Watertown cops who had been arrested on May 25, months after Weissman’s stash had been discovered by his landlord and then the drug unit of the BPD. One of those dirty cops had even been captured telling Madarati in a wiretapped phone call: “You need to lie low. Someone is making you out to be the biggest mule in Massachusetts. The rats were talking.” That cop, Robert Velasquez-Johnson, was right. The rats were talking. In May the US Attorney’s office unsealed an indictment after the arrests of Madarati and eighteen others involved in his distribution network, whose activities included drug dealing, money laundering, and extortion across the country—in California, Florida, Maine, New York, and Nevada—and into Canada. Madarati mainly worked locally, though. He controlled sales of steroids and hydroponic marijuana in Bedford, Burlington, Newton, Waltham, and Watertown, where he kept an apartment in which to manufacture and distribute marijuana and Ecstasy, prosecutors announced after his arrest.

Madarati’s arrest had international implications. The dirty Watertown cop had warned him that his case involved agents from the DHS’s US Immigration and Customs Enforcement drug unit, an elite squad designed to investigate narcotics trafficking that funded overseas terrorism—which clearly included Madarati’s ties to an Eritrean crew of narcotics traffickers in Portland, Maine. Agents assigned to Immigration and Customs Enforcement were concerned that the Portland dealers might be sending proceeds back to relatives connected to Al Qaeda’s Somalia-based outfit Al Shabab.

Erik was all too aware that Madarati probably thought he was one of those rats, which was why he and his drug dealing associates in nearby Waltham were lying low and hiding out.
Erik, Brendan, and Rafi shared more than just a propensity for violence and pot. They were prolific marijuana dealers, and some of their best customers hung out at Wai Kru. That was where they would meet up with one of Brendan’s closest friends, Tamerlan Tsarnaev, who usually traveled with another Chechen named Ibragim Todashev.
“I didn’t hear a thing until the girl was screaming,” a Harding Avenue resident would tell reporters and police on the evening of September 12, 2011, as police lights lit up the narrow dead-end street with blue and white strobes. “She was in the street yelling, ‘they’re all dead. There’s so much blood.’”

The girl was Hiba Eltilib, and she had run crying out of her estranged boyfriend’s apartment, her feet splattered with blood. She had flown back from Florida that morning, hoping to make things right with Brendan. When she landed she called his cell phone. No answer. She rang the house phone—again, nothing. She jumped in a cab to 12 Harding Avenue and walked into the scene of a massacre.

Brendan’s body was face down on the floor near a door in the kitchen. It looked like someone had grabbed his hair as he ran toward the exit and raked a machete or sharp knife against his throat with enough force to nearly cut his head off. Erik’s throat had been slashed the same way. Then his penis had been cut off and tossed onto his face. Rafi had been killed in a similar ritualistic fashion, gruesomely sexually mutilated and nearly decapitated by what prosecutors would call a “blunt object.” It was likely a machete, multiple police sources said. All of the bodies were sprinkled with marijuana, and on a table was five thousand dollars in cash.

“Oh my God,” exclaimed a uniformed Waltham policeman who was one of the first officers to arrive on the scene. “It looks like an Al Qaeda training video in here.”12 The date was not lost on the officer either: the tenth anniversary of the bloodiest jihadi attack on the United States. None of the weed was gone, and the cash had not been taken. Clearly the massacre in the suburban apartment was meant as a message, albeit an indecipherable one at that point. Investigators believed that the murders had happened sometime between 9:00 P.M. and midnight. The last call placed from the apartment had been made from Erik’s cell phone at 8:54 P.M. Erik had called a neighborhood restaurant, Gerry’s Italian Kitchen, to order three chicken parmigiana dinners, three meatballs, and three sausages. When the deliverywoman rang the doorbell twenty minutes later, no one responded. Calls placed to Erik’s cell phone went unanswered. Hiba discovered the bodies the next morning.

The bloodbath at 12 Harding Avenue could not be written off as the killings of three drug dealers who had pissed off the wrong machete-wielding thugs. It was clearly much more than that—especially given the sexual mutilation of the two Jewish victims, sources said.

Everyone and their dog suspects Tamerlan.


But Tamerlan was conspicuously absent from the service and the funeral. “It’s no coincidence that the last time I saw my friend Brendan alive he was walking out of that fight with that kid Tam,” said Wood. “I really thought I would have been coaching that kid [Brendan] in the Ultimate Fighting Championship. Brendan’s no saint, he liked to party. But nothing that he was into should have taken him to his end.”

Wood was not the only one who found Tamerlan’s failure to pay his respects strange. Brendan’s only brother was extremely concerned and passed the information about Tamerlan along to investigators. He also noticed that his brother’s girlfriend had left town after the murders, which fueled suspicions about her hair-trigger temper and close association with Tamerlan. “She’s shady and she’s lying,” Dylan said shortly after the murders. “So is her friend Tam.”

Furthermore, cops and many customers who used the Gerry’s Italian Kitchen’s delivery service remembered that Tamerlan was one of the many drivers who worked for the restaurant under the table. Managers of Gerry’s denied that, but there were scores of people—including Waltham police officers—who swore that Tamerlan had delivered the restaurant’s food to their offices and homes. But for some inexplicable reason, despite his name’s having been mentioned to the state troopers assigned to the Middlesex County District Attorney and to a Waltham detective working on the murders, Tamerlan was never a suspect.

That reason, some seasoned investigators said (on background, because the unsolved triple homicides are an open investigation) is because he was too valuable as an asset working for the federal government on a drug case with ties to overseas terrorism, and as an informant who had infiltrated a mosque right around the corner from his house that had ties to radical Islam and convicted terrorists.
The murder victims were players who had played too hard, and their deaths were soon forgotten.

Tamerlan was a handsome multilingual US resident desperate for American citizenship. Federal investigators had been assigned to take down a crew of Muslim multinational immigrants who were selling crack cocaine all over New England and sending the proceeds overseas. The men bought the drugs from Madarati and others in Boston, according to court records, and brought them to Portland, Maine. Confidential informants became part of the case, dubbed by the FBI and DHS "Operation Run This Town."

One of the operation’s targets was a former Cambridge resident named Hamadi Hassan, who had moved to Portland. Like Tamerlan, Hassan was in his twenties, and he had lived around the corner from the Tsarnaevs until he moved to Maine in 2010. Federal records filed in Hassan’s case show phone calls between him and an informant that included references to Wai Kru, the place that connected the three murdered men, Tamerlan, and Ibragim Todashev. It would take eighteen months for the public to learn the identities of the two men that [Middlesex County District Attorney Gerard] Leone had talked about at the press conference: the ones [two men] that walked out alive, leaving three dead men behind. Ibragim confessed to the murders in May 2013, but he would not get a chance to take the stand in the case.

Ibragim’s involvement should have been obvious. He had fled Boston the night of the murders and headed to Florida “real fast,” as his roommate would later tell the FBI. Tamerlan left the country four months later, in January 2012, for his motherland—the very place that the Federal Security Service of Russia (FSB), the modern equivalent of the old Soviet KGB, had warned the FBI and the CIA he would head to in a series of communications that began in March 2011.

Good to know the FSB was watching him. I'm glad there are actual adults in charge.


The Russians were very worried about Tamerlan Tsarnaev and his crazy mother, Zubeidat, and, in an unusual move, they shared their concerns with their counterterrorism counterparts in the United States. There had long been tensions between the American FBI and the Russian FSB. FSB agents had been known to break into apartments of American agents and defecate on their pillows. (Whom amongst us hasn't dropped a hot one on a fed's pillow? Be honest...) The relationship between the two countries—both of which were trying to eradicate Islamic terrorism—was based more on need than trust, to say the least.

Still, on March 4, 2011, the FSB sent its first message about Tamerlan and Zubeidat to the FBI’s legal attaché (LEGAT) in Moscow, and later it sent the same letter to the CIA. The letter, which to this day the FBI refuses to release, was read by FSB officials to a Congressional delegation that included Representative William Keating, a Democrat from Massachusetts and a former prosecutor. “I asked them for a copy and they said, ‘Well, can’t you get it from your own people?’ They read to me that document . . . and it was amazing in its detail dealing with Tamerlan Tsarnaev,” Keating said.
The letter described intercepted text messages between Tamerlan; his mother; and Magomed Kartashov, her second cousin—a former Dagestan police officer who had become a prominent Islamist and leader of a group called Union of the Just (a Muslim advocacy group that has been banned in Russia because of its affiliations with Muslim militants) in their homeland that sympathized with radical Islamic insurgents who had declared war against Vladimir Putin’s Russian forces.
The FBI’s legal attaché in Moscow sent a translated copy of the FSB’s warning about the Tsarnaev mother, son, and cousin to the Counterterrorism Division of the FBI’s Boston Field Division, telling them “to take any investigative steps deemed appropriate and provide Moscow with any information derived,” with the promise that the information would be forwarded to the Russians.

Around the same time the FSB picked up and interrogated a suspected Chechen terrorist named William Plotnikov. Plotnikov gave up some of his fellow English-speaking jihadis under questioning. One of them was Tamerlan Tsarnaev.

Five days after the FSB sent its letter, the legal attaché in Moscow sent a letter to the FSB acknowledging receipt of the information and requesting that the FBI be kept in the loop, according to a report released in April 2014 by the Office of the Inspector General for the Intelligence Community. “According to available information,” the report stated, “the LEGAT did not coordinate with or notify the CIA in March 2011 after receiving the lead information concerning the Tsarnaevs.”3 According to a declassified summary of the report (which has not been fully released as of September 2016), “In September 2011, the FSB provided the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) information on Tamerlan Tsarnaev that was substantively identical to the information the FSB had provided to the FBI in March 2011. In October 2011, the CIA provided information obtained from the FSB to the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) for watchlisting purposes, and to the FBI, Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and the Department of State for their information. Upon NCTC’s receipt of the information, Tamerlan Tsarnaev was added to the terrorist watchlist.

Months later, with both the CIA and the FBI notified about his increasingly dangerous and radical views, Tamerlan was headed to Russia, where he would meet the very men the FSB had warned the American counterterrorism officials about : Plotnikov, the extremist, and Tamerlan’s mother’s cousin, Magomed.

Strangely, evidence would later show that Tamerlan somehow clandestinely recorded many of the conversations he had with that cousin, without his cousin’s knowledge—recordings that would eventually be played by defense attorneys for jurors in the trial of his brother, Dzhokhar, to bolster the defense’s assertion that the teenager had come under the corrupting influence of his older sibling, just as Tamerlan had been turned into a jihadi by his mother.

Tamerlan departed from Boston’s Logan Airport and connected at John F. Kennedy International Airport (JFK) for a flight to Russia. He landed at Moscow’s Sheremetyevo Airport on January 21, 2012. By then he was on two different terrorist watch lists. The first was Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment (TIDE) database, which is the repository of all international terrorist identifier information shared by the FBI, CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency, and National Security Agency (NSA) and maintained by the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC). The NCTC maintains TIDE by adding biographical or biometric identifiers. The second was TECS, which is not an acronym but takes its name from an outdated system of identification checks formerly run by the now-defunct federal agency Treasury Enforcement Communication System. TECS is another way of flagging potential terror suspects as they cross borders. DHS describes the program as a way for customs agents at entry points to file reports about any “encounter with a traveler, a memorable event, or noteworthy item of information particularly when they observe behavior that may be indicative of intelligence gathering or preoperational planning related to terrorism, criminal, or other illicit intention.” Despite Tamerlan’s being on both of those lists, he still left Boston’s Logan Airport without a hitch.

Then there was the odd list of aliases Tsarnaev has used over the years. For example, among the names found in Tamerlan’s declassified DHS US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) file were Anzorvich Tsarnaev, Tamerlan Tsarnaev, and Tamerlan Tsarnaeu (each of which had both of the birthdates above).

Finally, there was the name he used in Russia, the one he introduced himself by there: Muaz Tsarnaev (in tribute to a celebrated Dagestani rebel named Emir Muaz)—which also appeared with both birthdates in his USCIS paperwork. After getting the FSB’s letter, David Cedarleaf, the special agent in the counterterrorism unit of the FBI’s Boston field office, had been assigned to conduct what the FBI called a “threat assessment” based on the information that FSB had shared with both the bureau and the agency regarding Tamerlan’s and his mother’s increasing extremism. Cedarleaf insisted that Tamerlan did not pose a threat and closed the case in June 2011, the FBI now says.

In the months before Tamerlan left Boston for Russia, Cedarleaf interviewed Tamerlan and his parents (Zubeidat and Anzor) and reported his findings, the Office of the Inspector General noted. He also reported that Cedarleaf did not contact Tamerlan’s wife (Katherine Russell, also known as Karima Tsarnaeva)—at least, notes about any contact with her never became part of any official file. Nor did Cedarleaf visit the controversial Prospect Street mosque in Cambridge where Tamerlan prayed, despite its connections to radical Islamists—including its founder, Abdurahman M. Alamoudi, who would later be sentenced to twenty-three years in prison for, among other crimes, giving money to Al Qaeda leaders.
Still, none of Cedarleaf’s findings from the March 2011 investigation into the Tsarnaevs, which the FBI would later say had been closed three months later, were shared—not with the police in Cambridge, where the Tsarnaevs lived, and not with the police in Boston, who ran the Boston Regional Intelligence Center. Cedarleaf didn’t even share the information with his JTTF counterparts from the DHS or his local police partners. The FBI’s Counterterrorism Division isn’t called the “spook squad” for nothing. The agents in it operated in total autonomy, sometimes away from the prying eyes of their own bosses. Cedarleaf was part of an even more secretive unit nicknamed “the red brigade,” a tightknit crew with military backgrounds whose members worked and socialized together outside of the circles that most law enforcement officials worked in. They all happened to have reddish hair.
The Boston FBI field office sent a letter to the FSB dated August 28, 2011, through its legal attaché in Russia that its agents found “nothing derogatory” about the Tsarnaevs.5 Still, inexplicably, despite any lack of derogatory information, Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s name was added to TECS on May 22, 2011, by the customs agent from Boston assigned to the Joint Terrorism Task Force, Jim Bailey.[/b] Tamerlan’s name was added with his correct date of birth: October 26, 1986. Russian counterterrorism officials added his name, and the multiple aliases that Russian law enforcement agencies had dug up for him, to the TIDE database in October 2011. A USCIS Form I-912, which would waive fees connected to processing an immigrant’s naturalization, showed up in Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s A-file. On the form, signed by Tamerlan Tsarnaev on August 28, 2012—just weeks after his return from Russia—there is a column “name of agency awarding benefit.” Inexplicably, the name of that agency is redacted on the form. The “date benefit was awarded,” however, was not. It reads: “APPX. 10/2011”—a month after the Waltham triple murders.

Ok, so let's do a little recap: Tamerlan exchanged texts with an Islamist sympathizer in Russia, and the FSB warns the FBI, and the FBI sends a mother-loving spook to give Tamerlan the all-clear to travel to Russia. A loving redacted organization wiaves his fees, and he flies to Russia without a hitch, DESPITE BEING ON SEVERAL TERROSIT WATCH LISTS AND BEING THE CHIEF SUSPECT IN A TRIPLE HOMICIDE. Everything seems to be on the up-and-up, really.


When Tamerlan left the United States for Russia just months later, his presence on those lists should have raised alarm bells. Somehow it didn’t. Defense attorneys for Dzhokhar would soon make an accusation in a court filing, writing that “the FBI made more than one visit to talk with Anzor, Zubeidat and Tamerlan, questioned Tamerlan about his internet searches, and asked him to be an informant,” a claim the FBI would quickly deny: “The FBI checked U.S. government databases and other resources to look for such things as derogatory telephone communications, possible use of online sites associated with the promotion of radical activity, associations with other persons of interest, travel history and plans, and education history. The FBI also interviewed Tamerlan Tsarnaev and family members. The FBI did not find any terrorism activity, domestic or foreign, and those results were provided to the foreign government in the summer of 2011.”

All of this was suspicious. No one would dismiss such detailed information about a man that seemed to be exactly the sort of dangerous person that FBI Director James Comey warned about, who posed the greatest threat to the US homeland: an American jihadi. The multiple names and dates of birth and Tamerlan’s ability to travel to a hotbed of terrorism without an American passport while simultaneously being on two terror watch lists are extraordinary, especially since the FSB had specifically warned the FBI about him. Law enforcement officials in Massachusetts began to say that Tamerlan was an informant for the feds, a spy sent to Russia to help track and kill the men he was in contact with. They believed that he was working for the US government, motivated by the promise of citizenship.
These suspicions soon seemed to be corroborated. Plotnikov was tracked to a terrorist compound in Dagestan and killed. So was another militant with ties to radical Islam. And another man on counterterrorism officials’ radar, Magomed Kartashov, the leader of an Islamic organization in Dagestan called Union of the Just, and his mother’s second cousin—the man that Tamerlan had recorded his conversations with—would be prosecuted.
Shortly after the bombings, that cousin was jailed in a Russian penal colony, which is where the FBI tracked him down to interview him in the weeks after the Boston Marathon bombings.

How odd that the FBI warns about American Jihadis and then one pops up and does a terrorism, and then invariably their funding increases. Nothing can be gleamed from that at all. Nope, nothing.


Muslim informants have become a controversial topic since 9/11. It is no secret that the same techniques the FBI used to flip informants in the drug wars were redirected toward finding so-called mosque crawlers to inform on radical Muslims after 9/11. The practice had led to multiple lawsuits filed by Muslims who said that police had infiltrated dozens of mosques and student groups, which was tantamount to unconstitutional profiling.

“These operatives, trained in espionage and surveillance with the help of the CIA, were nicknamed “rakers.” They got their name because of their ability to scrape up information while blending into a mosque or Muslim community to observe anyone who might be espousing radical Islamic beliefs or plotting to commit an act of Islamic extremism. But the most useful tool used by counterterrorism investigators came to be dubbed “catch and capture,” a practice in which an informant, the mosque crawler, was sent into a community under suspicion to “create” conversations about jihad or terrorism, and then that informant would “capture” the responses from investigative targets to report to the informant’s handlers. The practice was effective. The vaunted NYPD Intelligence Division—working alongside intelligence officers in the NSA, caseworkers in the CIA, and agents in the FBI, with the help of Muslim patriots—uncovered jihadi-inspired plots and led to multiple criminal prosecutions.”

“Several of those types of plots involved the mosque where Tamerlan Tsarnaev underwent a transformation from a womanizing Euro trash party boy to a pious Muslim, albeit one who first picked up the Quran only in 2010, when he was twenty-four years old.

Tamerlan was a perfect candidate for recruitment by the US government. Broke, desperate for citizenship, and with a new wife and baby girl to take care of, he spoke fluent English, Russian, and a dialect of Chechen.”



The Islamic Society of Boston was started in 1982 by a loose association of Muslim student organizations at Harvard University, Boston University, MIT, Northeastern University, Wentworth Institute, Suffolk University, and Tufts University. One of the students involved was Abdurahman Alamoudi, who would become the founder of the society’s first mosque, at a building on Prospect Street that had been a Knights of Columbus hall. Alamoudi is currently serving twenty-three years for terrorism after being arrested in 2003 in London on US federal charges that he had funneled money to Al Qaeda. He eventually pleaded guilty to three charges of illegal financial transactions with the Libyan government, unlawful procurement of citizenship, impeding administration of the Internal Revenue Service, and receiving more than $500,000 in cash from Libyan officials as part of a bizarre plot to assassinate a Saudi prince.

Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi wanted Prince Abdullah killed after a 2003 Arab League summit at which Gadhafi felt he had been insulted. At one point during the summit, Abdullah wagged a finger at Gadhafi and said, “Your lies precede you, while the grave is ahead of you.”10 Gadhafi determined that the prince had to die, and Alamoudi was convicted of helping plan his assassination. That conviction came as an embarrassment to Pentagon officials and two US administrations: as the founder of the American Muslim Council, Alamoudi visited the White House during the administration of President Bill Clinton to promote a program that brought imams into the US military. He also participated in 2000 in a group discussion with Muslim activists in Texas and George W. Bush in 2000, during Bush’s presidential campaign. He posed for selfies with both former US presidents.
Tamerlan was just the man to infiltrate a mosque that had long been in the crosshairs of federal counterterrorism investigators, law enforcement officials in Massachusetts say privately. And he was just the guy to help the fight against terrorism overseas in one of the most dangerous regions for Islamic extremists: his Mother Russia.

drat. Alamoudi has selfies with two presidents. He's tied with my other role-model, Jefferey Epstein.

Tamerlan wasn't stopped when he left Logan airport, not when he transferred at JFK, nor was he stopped when he arrived in Moscow. He must just be a really lucky guy. He meets with his mother's cousin, a cleric with radical sermons.


“Tamerlan knew a lot about Magomed from his mother, who had been texting with him. He didn’t wait long to ask Magomed to help him achieve the goal that had brought him to Russia. He told Magomed: “I want to go into the forests. I want to train. I want to go to Syria. I came here to get involved in jihad.”
It sounded at first like boasting from a spoiled American. But Tamerlan was puffed up as if he had already been a mujahedin, and he told Magomed that he had followed one segment of the Quran that urged Muslims to follow orders like “cut off their heads and make them kneel in front of you.” That is exactly what investigators believe happened to the three men in Waltham months earlier.”

Magomed was suspicious of Tamerlan's new-found devotion. He knew his parents weren't particularly devout. And Nor was he as radical as Tamerlan seemed to think we was.
Also at this time Zebeidat (Tamerlan's Mother) returns to Dagestan, after getting arrested shoplifting $1,600 in designer clothes. Why a fundamentalist in a burka would want such clothes casts some doubt into the legitimacy of her religeous devoution.


Magomed was not a bomber or a beheader of infidels. But he certainly didn’t condemn his Muslim brethren who used violence as a tool. Those men included Mamakaev Rizvan, the former husband of Tamerlan’s sister Bella—another person whom the FSB had found was exchanging frightening text messages with his former mother-in-law supporting jihad. The FSB warned the FBI that Mamakaev was considered an extremist, a warning that the FBI would dismiss as questionable intelligence because the text messages had been obtained illegally.

The FBI was happy to put Tamerlan on whe watch list just because the FSB warned them, but not Mamakaev. Man, the FBI really finds interesting times to care about legality.


Mamakaev was among the men who attended the Kotrova Street mosque, where Salafism was preached and a black flag now associated with ISIS hung over the door. It was known as a hotbed of terrorism and was constantly under surveillance by Russian antiterrorism agents. That’s where Tamerlan had met Mamakaev for the drive into the rural area where Magomed lived. Tamerlan’s mother had another former son-in-law who traveled with Tamerlan and Mamakaev on those visits-Elmirza Khozhugov, Ailina’s (Tamerlan's sister) former husband, to whom she had been introduced by her Uncle Ruslan.

“Neither of Tamerlan’s former brothers-in-law nor his mother’s cousin traveled with Elmirza to Georgia to attend an event run by the Jamestown Foundation, a think tank in Washington, D.C., that was created in 1984 by a former head of the CIA. Graham Fuller, the CIA agent with ties to Ruslan, contributed to the foundation as an analyst. So did Brian Glyn Williams, a former CIA agent who was then an associate professor of Islamic history at UMass/Dartmouth, the school Dzhokhar had enrolled in a year before, in September 2011.

Investigative reporters in Russia obtained a document—drafted by Colonel Grigory Chanturia of the main security service of the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs—that said Tamerlan had been spotted at the Jamestown event, run in conjunction with the Kavkaz. The Jamestown Foundation categorically rejected the Russian investigative reports, calling them “entirely false and groundless,” and added: “Our organization has never had any contact with the Tsarnaev brothers, and we have no record or knowledge of either of them ever attending any Jamestown event in Washington, DC, or elsewhere.”

“Nonetheless, when it came to the CIA and the Tsarnaev family there seemed to be a lot of coincidental overlaps. Glyn Williams even posted photos of his trip to Georgia that summer on the website,16 where he boasted of his CIA past as a field operative in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and elsewhere in Central Asia in the early 2000s, calling himself an expert on suicide bombers. He told South Coast Today, a small Massachusetts newspaper, that he had been in touch with Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, who had e-mailed him to begin a discussion about Chechnya when he was still a high school student at Cambridge Rindge and Latin, saying: “That kid and his brother identified with the Chechen struggle.” (Holy loving poo poo)

Like Fuller, Glyn Williams often sympathized with the struggles of Muslims in Russia’s unrelenting fight against Islamic extremists—which, some argued, under Vladimir Putin was violent and overzealous.
Those struggles would become common laments of Tamerlan that, before long, were echoed by his little brother, Dzhokhar.”


“I saw everything on Russian television,” Magomed told the two FBI special agents who visited the penal colony where he was being held on June 5, 2013. The FSB had already been there to interview him weeks earlier.

“I had a thought,” Magomed said to the FBI agents. “It could have been Tamerlan. When Tamerlan arrived in Russia he was already thinking about jihad and looking to do something.”

He explained to the FBI agents that the videos of the American Al Qaeda cleric Anwar al-Awlaki and the posts on the Kavkaz Center had inspired Tamerlan long before he traveled to Dagestan. Then Magomed mentioned Tamerlan’s going to visit a friend in Utamysh, Dagestan, “in the forests.” That visit did not end well for Tamerlan’s friend Plotnikov.

On the wikipedia on the Jamestown Foundation, as you can guess, it's the biggest group of spooks that ever spooked:


The Jamestown Foundation is a Washington, D.C.-based institute for research and analysis. Founded in 1984 as a platform to support Soviet defectors, its stated mission today is to inform and educate policy makers about events and trends, which it regards as being of current strategic importance to the United States. Jamestown publishes publications that focus on China, Russia, Eurasia, and global terrorism.
The CIA Director William J. Casey helped back the formation of The Jamestown Foundation, agreeing with its complaints that the U.S. intelligence community did not provide sufficient funding of Soviet bloc defectors.[3][4] The foundation, initially also dedicated to supporting Soviet dissidents, enabled the defectors from the Eastern Bloc to earn extra money by lecturing and writing.
In the past, Jamestown's board of directors has included Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor to U.S. President Jimmy Carter.[7] Jamestown's current board includes Michael Carpenter, the managing director of the Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement. Carpenter previously served in the Pentagon as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense and in the White House as a foreign policy advisor to Vice President Joe Biden as well as on the National Security Council as Director for Russia. Jamestown's board also includes Michael G. Vickers, who previously served as the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence and whose role at the Central Intelligence Agency during the Soviet–Afghan War was famously featured in George Crile's 2003 book Charlie Wilson's War. [8]
Currently, its primary focus is on China, Eurasia, Russia and global terrorism. As of 2008, its publications were Eurasia Daily Monitor,[13] Terrorism Monitor,[14] and China Brief.[15] Previous publications included Eurasia Security Trends, Fortnight in Review, North Korea Review, Russia and Eurasia Review, Russia's Week, Spotlight on Terror, North Caucasus Weekly, (formerly Chechnya Weekly)[16] and Recent From Turkey[17] and Terrorism Focus. Along with these publications, Jamestown produces occasional reports[18] and books.[19]

In 2018, it was embroiled in a scandal relating to one of the publications released by The Jamestown Foundation's publishing house. Strategies for Dealing with Russia under Late-Putin contained an excerpt suggesting that American policy should take measures to exacerbate and take advantage of Russia's demographic issues, insinuating that ethnic Russians are a problem for national security.[20] A spokesman balked at the accusations of Russophobia, calling the quote "pulled wildly out of context."
In 2009 Russian government accused the research institute of spreading anti-Russian propaganda by hosting a debate on violence in the Russia's turbulent region of Ingushetia. According to a statement by the Foreign Ministry of Russia: "Organisers again and again resorted to deliberately spreading slander about the situation in Chechnya and other republics of the Russian North Caucasus using the services of supporters of terrorists and pseudo-experts. Speakers were given carte blanche to spread extremist propaganda, incite ethnic and inter-religious discord."

From Wikpedia on the Kavkaz center:


The Kavkaz Center (KC; Russian: Кавказ-центр, romanized: Kavkaz-centr, lit. 'Caucasus Center') is a privately run website/portal which aims to be "a Chechen internet agency which is independent, international and Islamic".[1] The stated mission of the site is to report events related to Chechnya and also to "provide international news agencies with news-letters, background information and assistance in making independent journalistic work in Caucasus".

Since its inception it has broadcast views supporting independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and later the Caucasian Emirate and the mujahideen worldwide. The website is published in five languages: English, Arabic, Ukrainian, Russian, and Turkish.
According to rulings of the judicial bodies of the Russian Federation, materials published on the site are extremist and incite ethnic hatred.[11] It was therefore included in the Federal List of Extremist Materials per Russian internet censorship law and blocked for viewing from Russia

The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007


After Tamerlan returned to the United States in July 2012, he stayed in touch with Magomed using the Russian social networking site VK (that country’s version of Facebook)
He then complained about two public arguments he had had with an imam at his Cambridge mosque. In November the imam talked about American holidays being celebrated by Muslims, and Tamerlan lost his cool, stood up, and shouted: “That is not allowed in the faith!” The second time Tamerlan was escorted out of the mosque after the imam lectured about Martin Luther King and compared him to the Prophet Muhammad. “You’re a kuffar! You are contaminating peoples’ minds! Hypocrite! Hypocrite!”
“Why do you need to do that?” Magomed asked, shaking his head in the Skype call. “Why do you keep getting into that kind of trouble?” Tamerlan didn’t answer him. That was their last call. Magomed had no idea that all those conversations in Russia were being recorded on Tamerlan’s laptop, recordings that would later be discovered by investigators.
He (Magomed) explained to the FBI agents that the videos of the American Al Qaeda cleric Anwar al-Awlaki and the posts on the Kavkaz Center had inspired Tamerlan long before he traveled to Dagestan. Then Magomed mentioned Tamerlan’s going to visit a friend in Utamysh, Dagestan, “in the forests.” That visit did not end well for Tamerlan’s friend Plotnikov.


He (Plotnikov) still had traces of the middle-class young man he had been with a Western education, a closet crammed with designer ensembles, a quick wit, and the nickname “Willy.” In high school he had talked about joining the Canadian army. Now he was living in the woods undergoing terrorism training. Chechen rebels have been found fighting alongside Al Qaeda insurgents all over the world. In fact, one such terrorist trained in Chechnya was Nawaf Alhazmi, who boarded American Airlines Flight 11 on the morning of September 11, 2001, and with his younger brother, Salem Alhazmi, slit the throats of two flight attendants as the plane left Logan Airport and hurtled toward the World Trade Center towers with Muhammad Atta at the controls, according to the 9/11 Commission Report.

Interesting how often Islamists that are supported by the CIA (in this case Fuller) come back to attack the USA.


“The Canadian” would not be hard for the FSB to locate. Even after he shed his expensive clothing for camouflage, he stuck out among the Chechens in Dagestan. Plotnikov was picked up and interrogated after his father called the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, who contacted their counterterrorism counterparts in Russia. But there was not a lot Russian investigators could do. Plotnikov had every right to be in the country. He was Russian by birth, and the missing person’s report filed by his parents (in Canada) would not be enough to compel him to go home. Certainly, his Internet activity was a concern, but not a crime. The FSB demanded that Plotnikov give its agents the names of all of his contacts in Canada and the United States who were English-speaking Russian natives and who, like him, identified with the beliefs of the Caucasus Emirate. Some of those contacts came from the online network World Association of Muslim Youth, whose website was riddled with propaganda from Al Qaeda sympathizers.
One of the people Plotnikov named was Tamerlan Tsarnaev.

Russian Interior Ministry forces surrounded the compound and a harrowing gun battle ensued, losing one man, but eventually killing the insurgents.


The Russian Interior Ministry’s National Anti-Extremism Center (NAC) released a statement that praised the Utamysh killings and hinted at how the terrorist enclave had been discovered. “We received information about their possible movements from an informant,”
As the farmhouse smoldered, the militants mourned, and the Russian Interior Ministry prepared to bury its dead agent, one man left the region, paying 2,050 euros for a one-way Aeroflot ticket from Sheremetyevo International Airport in Moscow to JFK, and then to Logan Airport on July 17, 2012. Investigators found a receipt for the ticket in Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s bedroom on Norfolk Street and photographed it as evidence. It remains unclear how the unemployed twenty-six-year-old on welfare paid for the flight.


High-level generals in the Pentagon and CIA agents likely exchanged classified intelligence regarding the successful Russian raid in the Northern Caucasus. The region had become an international problem not just because of persistent internecine war between Chechens and the Russian Federation, but also because of its geography. It is located at Europe’s doorway into Asia and contains critical oil and gas pipelines. World leaders were interested in Russian oil, and many of them paid attention when seven armed militants with a history of targeting civilians in Chechnya and Dagestan were killed in the troubled Caucasus. Any reduction in the number of Islamic insurgents there was indeed something to crow about.

If the informant who had been partly responsible for the deaths was tied to the United States, as many people believed—flipped into cooperating by foreign counterintelligence agents from the CIA, DHS, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), NSA, or FBI—some officials could be catapulted to higher-level jobs at the Department of Justice or the Pentagon, or maybe even into higher-paying private-sector ones in the lucrative defense industry, as a result.

Ironically, it may have very well been Plotnikov himself who helped to turn the informant, when he gave the FBS a list of names of the men he had exchanged jihadist ideals with online. One of those men was Tamerlan Tsarnaev—as noted above, a celebrated bilingual boxer born in Russia, just like Plotnikov. Another was a notorious nineteen-year-old jihadist recruiter named Mahmud Mansour Nidal.
Nidal had been under surveillance by the United States for months.2 And he had been marked as one of Russia’s most wanted men after being accused of recruiting a brother and sister to serve as suicide bombers in one of the bloodiest attacks attributed to his ragtag group of insurgents. The bombers drove vehicles packed with explosives into a police checkpoint in Dagestan. The brother detonated the first blast. His sister followed, but only after emergency responders had arrived. Fourteen people were killed and dozens more wounded, according to Russia’s National Antiterrorism Committee. After the blasts, Nidal went underground. So Russian counterterrorism officials building the case against him were surprised when he showed up in May at the Al-Nadiriya Mosque on Kotrova Street in Makhachkala—the main Salafi mosque in Dagestan’s capital—and chatted with Tamerlan, the man they had identified as “the American.” Multiple reports citing Russian sources say that Tamerlan was put under surveillance during his trip by counterterrorism officials after he was spotted meeting with Nidal multiple times near the mosque. And on May 19, 2012, Nidal died. He had been tracked to his hide-out and cut down in a blaze of gunfire after he launched a grenade at the counterterrorism forces that were trying to arrest him.
At a Congressional hearing after the Boston Marathon bombing, Congressman William Keating referred to Tamerlan’s meeting with Nidal and the fact that one of the most wanted men in Russia surprisingly emerged from hiding to meet with the American at the mosque several times in May.
The purpose of the FBI’s and CIA’s placing Tamerlan on two terror watch lists—and TIDE—was to create an alert any time he traveled. But inexplicably, that did not happen when he landed in the United States after spending six months overseas in a terrorist hotspot. Then there was the question of his passport, which he had reported stolen—or at least that’s what he told Katherine Russell.
Tamerlan applied for a Russian passport to replace the one issued in Kyrgyzstan that he had used to gain entry into the United States as political refugee in 2002. But, as Congressional investigators would find, he left Russia without picking the new passport up.
But when Tamerlan landed at Boston’s Logan Airport on July 17, 2012, he had no problem whatsoever. A customs agent “scanned Tsarnaev’s Alien Registration Card [green card] into the computer system and admitted him into the country based on his LPR [legal permanent resident] status.
This was the very loophole in immigration laws that the 9/11 Commission had said needed to be closed. Even more alarmingly, the report states, the customs agent, Jim Bailey, told investigators “he cannot recall” if he alerted the FBI regarding Tamerlan’s return to the United States without a passport.
Surely to stop Tamerlan at the airport for additional screening based on his physical profile alone—he was a Muslim male with a long beard “or because he was leaving a terrorist hotbed would have been insensitive racial profiling. (lol)But the idea that a man whose name was on two terrorist watch lists somehow managed to clear customs because, government officials claimed, his name was misspelled on those lists is inconceivable. This is especially true given the multimillion-dollar computer program the DHS had purchased to prevent that very sort of thing from occurring. Even after the Russians had inexplicably notified the United States in writing about the American’s radicalization, he was able to travel to a terrorist hotspot and return without being questioned.
Certainly if he was the informant who helped arrest high-level terror targets or provoke deadly encounters between them and counterterrorism forces in Russia, then only a small handful of intelligence agents and DHS officials would know his identity, or even his code number as a human source. Of course, none of them would ever discuss it publicly. They would not earn the front-page headlines like those awarded to informants at the center of Mafia takedowns, nor would any federal agent involved with Tamerlan be publicly lauded at a press conference. But they would have earned prestige and recognition at the highest level of the Department of Justice and the DHS.”

So Tamerlan spends 6 months in a insurgent hotspot, loses his passport, and the 2 separate Islamist leaders he meets with get iced, and he runs back to the US and is waived through security by the same Customs agent (Jim Bailey) that added him to the terror watchlist (TECS) in the first place.


“The DHS secretary at the time of the Boston Marathon blasts, Janet Napolitano, was grilled about lapses at a Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing on immigration in April 2013. Napolitano said that even though Tsarnaev’s name had been misspelled, redundancies in the DHS computer system allowed US authorities to be aware of his departure from the country in January 2012. But she said that by the time he “came back six months later, an FBI alert on him had expired, so his reentry was not noted. “The system pinged when he was leaving the United States. By the time he returned all investigations had been closed,” Napolitano testified.”
Sen. Chuck grassley asks how it’s possible a misspelling caused the problem: “It would be better,” Napolitano told Grassley at the hearing, “if we could discuss those with you in a classified setting.”
Then there were the two State Department Medical Examination for Immigration or Refugee Applicant forms, which had startling discrepancies. In one, as discussed above, the attached picture was of a blue-eyed man wearing a black-collared polo shirt and contained a passport number. In the second, the picture was of a teenage Tamerlan wearing an identical shirt, and in that case the passport number had been redacted. The other troubling form seems innocuous at first glance. It was Tamerlan’s notification of the time and place for his taking the oath of citizenship. He was told to report to 170 Portland Street in Boston on October 16, 2012, so he could finally become an American citizen, even though he was ineligible for US citizenship.

It remains unclear if Tamerlan showed up at 170 Portland Street and what happened if he did show up. But the document certainly suggested that someone was pulling strings to help him obtain the very thing he had been craving so desperately since 2009.

But Janet Napolitano could no longer be compelled to answer questions about this information. She quit her job at the DHS months after the Boston Marathon bombings, and at the time of this writing is the president of the University of California.

And then in June 2016, an ISIS devotee, Omar Mateen, murdered forty-nine people at a gay nightclub in Orlando, Florida. In one of his 911 calls to authorities, Mateen “gave a shoutout to the Tsarnaev brothers,” the FBI said. In fact, Mateen told an Orlando police hostage negotiator that the mass murder was sparked by the US bombing of an ISIS leader in Syria and that the “US is collaborating with Russia and they are killing innocent women and children,” according to a transcript of that phone call, one of many Mateen had with the negotiator during the bloodbath. “My homeboy Tamerlan Tsarnaev did his thing on the Boston Marathon . . . okay, so now it’s my turn."

It remains unclear what Mateen’s connections to the Chechens were, or whether he knew Ibragim Todashev, who told investigators that he and Tamerlan had murdered three men in Waltham, Massachusetts, on September 11, 2011—the same day that Ibragim packed up and moved to Orlando. Like Tamerlan, the FBI had multiple interactions with Omar Mateen, and like Tamerlan, the FBI would have closed the threat assessment investigation into Mateen—despite a call from the owner of a gun shop just weeks “before the Orlando massacre alerting the FBI that Mateen had attempted unsuccessfully to buy body armor but had succeeded in purchasing a large number of bullets.
Tamerlan Tsarnaev clearly did not become a citizen on that October day when he was summoned by USCIS to attend his oath ceremony. To this day the DHS will not explain whether he attended that October oath ceremony or if something happened to disrupt the promise of citizenship. What is clear, however, is that in the weeks after that “scheduled appearance, the FBI continued to email immigration officials prodding them to approve Tamerlan’s citizenship application, according to the Office of the Inspector General’s report. And although Tamerlan’s 2009 arrest for domestic violence made him ineligible for US citizenship for five years, as noted above—because he had committed an act of “moral turpitude”—inexplicably his naturalization application was reopened on August 28, 2012.
Also in the USCIS file was a form sent to Tamerlan telling him he was scheduled to take the oath of citizenship on October 16, 2012, which would have meant an impossibly short turnaround for a naturalization application opened just months earlier. Clearly something went wrong, and many would say that the gaffe would expose how far the FBI was willing to go to help Tamerlan.

On October 22, 2012—days after the initial oath ceremony for Tamerlan was somehow scuttled—a USCIS officer emailed David Cedearleaf, the FBI’s special agent in the Boston field office’s counterterrorism unit, saying that Tamerlan’s name had popped up on the terrorist watch lists and asking if he “represented a national security concern.” The next day, on October 23, 2012, Cedarleaf, who was also the special agent in Boston assigned to investigate Tamerlan after the FSB warning in 2011, assured USCIS officials in writing that Tamerlan was deserving of full citizenship: “There is no national security concern related to [Tamerlan Tsarnaev] and nothing that I know of that should preclude issuance of whatever is being applied for.

Thought I'd give you some relation to the Pulse Nightclub shooter, as a treat.


“During the height of Hoover’s COINTELPRO operations in the 1960s and 1970s, the FBI had roughly 1,500 informants. In the 1990s the drug wars brought that number up to about 6,000. Then, after 9/11, the FBI recruited so many new informants—including derelicts looking for leniency in their own legal problems or upcoming jail sentences, liars looking for immigration favors, Muslims looking for revenge on the members of competing Islamic sects, and narcissistic egomaniacs who wanted to be revered as a Jason Bourne‒type figure—that it had to hire an outside software company to help agents track their secret spies. Today, there are anywhere from 15,000 to 20,000 snitches on the FBI’s payroll, and many of them are “mosque crawling” to inform on fellow Muslims in the United States and overseas, as part of a preemptive counterterrorism initiative that former NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly helped create by recruiting Muslims who took the civil service test to become police officers. He would send appropriate applicants a letter that they had been accepted into the police academy. Meanwhile they were trailed, evaluated, and—if selected by commanders of the NYPD initiative, trained like CIA operatives before being placed in undercover operations all over the country.”
Then federal judges started to take a look at the use of Muslim informants after the case of the so-called Newburgh Four, four Muslim men who were arrested in 2009 for allegedly planning to shoot down military airplanes flying out of the Air National Guard base in Newburgh, New York, and allegedly participating in another plot to blow up two Bronx synagogues. There were allegations that the FBI had actually organized both plots and encouraged the four men to carry them out by plying them with food and money. In fact, a report issued by the Human Rights Institute at Columbia University Law School stated that roughly half of the federal prosecutions of Islamic terrorism cases relied on informants: “Indeed, in some cases the Federal Bureau of Investigation may have created terrorists out of law-abiding individuals by conducting sting operations that facilitated or invented the target’s willingness to act. According to multiple studies, nearly 50 percent of the more than 500 federal counterterrorism convictions resulted from informant-based cases; almost 30 percent of those cases were sting operations in which the informant played an active role in the underlying plot.
Those warning signs had certainly been observed in Tamerlan Tsarnaev. He had stopped drinking and doing drugs. He had traded his designer clothes for traditional Muslim robes, wearing them to the pizza parlors and Starbucks stores in his Cambridge neighborhood. In addition, he was bilingual and hulking. A perfect recruit, according to Dzhokhar “Tsarnaev’s defense attorneys. In a court filing they would write, “The FBI made more than one visit to talk with Anzor, Zubeidat and Tamerlan, questioned Tamerlan about his Internet searches, and asked him to be an informant.

The US Attorney’s office and the FBI responded in a letter sent to the defense on March 14, 2014, writing that “the government has no evidence that Tamerlan Tsarnaev was solicited by the government to be an informant.
...“To be fair, the government couldn’t disprove the defense’s claims that Tamerlan had been recruited as an asset in those FBI proffer reports, family interviews, and information they received from their client, Dzhokhar. But the defense team still wanted answers. They wanted details about Tamerlan’s trip to Dagestan, for example. The defense wanted to know why the government refused to hand over any of the immigration records for any member of the Tsarnaev clan other than their client, writing, “While Dzhokhar’s own A-file contains his father’s claim that he had been arbitrarily arrested and tortured in the family’s home country of Kyrgyzstan, and that he had a well-founded fear of further persecution justifying political asylum in the United States, the documents in Dzhokhar’s file do not include any of the reasons why the United States government concluded that the father’s asylum claim was valid.” Certainly it would be interesting to know whether Anzor’s brother Ruslan’s ties to a CIA official were relevant at the time.

“More important, however, was the mystery swirling around the FBI’s involvement with Tamerlan Tsarnaev and whether or not the pressure he felt to be an informant led to the attack on the Boston “Marathon, questions Dzhokhar’s attorneys asked in the filed defense brief. “The FBI made more than one visit to talk with Anzor, Zubeidat and Tamerlan, questioned Tamerlan about his internet searches, and asked him to be an informant, reporting on the Chechen and Muslim community. We further have reason to believe that Tamerlan misinterpreted the visits and discussions with the FBI as pressure and that they amounted to a stressor that increased his paranoia and distress. We do not suggest that these contacts are to be blamed and have no evidence to suggest that they were improper, but rather view them as an important part of the story of Tamerlan’s decline. Since Tamerlan is dead, the government is the source of corroboration that these visits did in fact occur and of what was said during them.”

To this day, that question has not been answered. And more questions have been raised with a separate investigation into a drug trafficking crew of Eritrean immigrants, a group that would eventually be tied to the gun used to assassinate MIT Police Officer Sean Collier.”
The FBI was hoping to arrest a multinational crew of Muslim immigrants in Portland, Maine, who were selling crack cocaine and sending the proceeds overseas. Confidential informants were at the center of the investigation, called Operation Run This Town. And ATF agents would trace the Ruger P95 Tamerlan used to murder Sean Collier, the MIT police officer—the same gun that was later fired at police during the Watertown shootout—to that same crack crew in Portland, Maine. It had been given to Dzhokhar by a childhood friend from Cambridge, “Stephen Silva, an Eritrean immigrant with ties to the leader of the crack crew.
There were those unanswered questions, such as how Tamerlan was allowed to travel to a terrorist hotbed; why he recorded his conversations with his mother’s second cousin, a leader in an Islamist organization in the Caucasus; and why his application for citizenship—for which he wasn’t eligible because of his arrest for domestic violence, as explained above—was reopened after his return from Russia.
“The Office of the Inspector General for the Intelligence Community examined those issues and the questions of whether Tamerlan was an asset (and if he wasn’t, why not) in its report on information sharing among the intelligence agencies:
1.Why did the CT [the Counterterrorism Unit of the FBI] agent not visit Tamerlan’s mosque [in Cambridge]?
2.Why did the CT agent not interview the woman Tamerlan was accused of assaulting?
3.Why did the CT agent not interview Tamerlan’s wife, Katherine Russell aka Krina [sic] Tsarnaeva?
4.Why was Tamerlan not asked about if he sympathized with Chechen rebels?14”

The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007

PART 3: You know that old joke about a Communist meeting where every member is a spook reporting on every other member? A mosque works the same way.


Khairullozhon Matanov couldn’t keep quiet any longer. The Quincy cab driver turned to his passenger, a businesswoman named Ann Munson whom he picked up most mornings to drive to the MBTA’s station in Braintree so she could take the Red Line into town. “Those guys on TV,” he said. “The bombers. I know them. I was just at their house. I was at their house that night. They are from Chechnya.”

Munson convinces Matanov to go to the police, where he tells the police about his friendship with Tamerlan. The FBI begins to tail him with a low flying plane and follows him around the clock.


“On September 11, 2011, Khairullozhon Matanov, the cab driver who had dinner with the bomber brothers on the night of the Boston Marathon attack a year and a half later, came home just after 10:30 P.M. to find the door to his Brighton apartment open and unlocked. He was perplexed, but not panicked. He was letting his friend Ibragim Todashev crash at his place, and Ibragim had already proven irresponsible about things, like locking the door behind him. He dialed his roommate’s phone and heard it ring in the bathroom. The shower was running. Khairullozhon went into his garage where he could steal his neighbor’s wireless signal and download some videos on his laptop. Ibragim came in a few minutes later and said, “I’m leaving town.” He had three duffel bags packed in his room, and his laptop under his arm. A car was waiting outside. Khairullozhon helped him carry the bags out. As they hugged goodbye, Ibragim gave his EBT card to Khairullozhon, scribbling the PIN on the top so his friend could withdraw the cash still available on it, and returned the spare key to the apartment. Khairullozhon went back inside and threw away the towel[…]”

“Khairullozhon didn’t remember later whether or not the towel was bloody. He couldn’t explain why he had thrown it away. He wouldn’t talk to Ibragim again until April 16, 2013, the day after the bombings in Boston. Then he called Ibragim on his cell phone at home in Orlando, Florida, and they talked for twenty-two minutes. Khairullozhon insists that the subject of their friends the Tsarnaev brothers never came up, and neither did the bombing. The date of the call was just a coincidence.
“I got my green card,” Ibragim told Khairullozhon. “I’m going back to Russia.”
“This was the first of the many inconsistent stories that Khairullozhon would tell the FBI. He thought that his cooperation with the Braintree police on that Friday morning when the manhunt was underway for Dzhokhar would leave him in the clear. He was wrong. The FBI would not only interview him more than a dozen times, but they would overtly track him using what Special Agent Tim McElroy would describe as “bumper lock surveillance,” explaining that the surveillance was meant to be noticed and the FBI wanted Matanov to be “certainly aware of people following him, cars following him, things of that nature. It was not covert in any manner.”1”

“There was a reason the FBI was keen on Khairullozhon Matanov in connection with the bombing. That night he and the Tsarnaev brothers seemingly celebrated the Patriots’ Day murders with dinner at a Somerville kabob restaurant. It was Matanov’s treat. And then there was the issue of an unsolved triple murder in Waltham, a gruesome slaying that Tamerlan Tsarnaev would be connected to in the days after the attack.3

Investigators assigned to the Middlesex County District Attorney’s Office were under pressure to explain the unsolved ritualistic murders of three young men in Waltham, Massachusetts, a triple slaying that had all the earmarks of Islamic terrorism and that had taken place on the tenth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.”

“It was a night that Khairullozhon was reluctant to discuss. “I am worried about the date. I don’t want to make a problem for myself or something else,”4 he explained to the FBI agents, according to proffer reports. That problem, Khairullozhon knew all too well, would likely lead investigators to his old roommate’s new apartment in Orlando.
Ibragim had fled Boston on September 11, 2011, and headed south in a hurry, Khairullozhon told the FBI agents. Tamerlan left the country four months later for his motherland—the very place that the Russian FSB had warned the FBI and the CIA in March 2011 that he would go to join the jihad.”

“After the marathon attacks, friends of the three victims in Waltham—Brendan Mess, Rafi Teken, and Erik Weissman—began to tell investigators about Tamerlan’s connection to the dead men. The case was reopened with a vengeance. Especially after relatives publicly complained that they had told investigators in 2011 that Tamerlan Tsarnaev was the most likely killer, but for some reason that was inexplicable—at least to the dead men’s loved ones—he was never questioned. A clandestine federal investigation being conducted in Maine could very well be the reason why.”

“That investigation centered on a dirty cop in Watertown who had warned Safwan Madarati about a pending indictment. Madarati, of course, was tied to the Eritrean drug crew in Portland, Maine, that the DEA and DHS investigators had targeted. The case had Cambridge connections and cooperating witnesses in Massachusetts.

A review of court records related to Operation Run This Town suggests that Tamerlan very well could be the CW cited repeatedly by prosecutors. Remember that one of the targets was Tamerlan’s old friend and former Cambridge Rindge and Latin classmate, Hamadi Hassan. In wiretapped conversations one CW makes plans to meet up with Hamadi in Boston-area locations, locations that Tamerlan had connections to—such as a parking lot near Wai Kru and a 7-Eleven near the Cambridge mosque.

That connection to the larger investigation could explain why the triple homicide had not been solved, despite the tips to detectives and reporters from relatives including Dylan Mess, Brendan’s brother—who said that they should investigate his brother’s “shady girlfriend” and “her friend Tam.”5”
Strangely, Gerry Leone, the Middlesex district attorney who first mentioned the “two men” who left the Waltham apartment alive on September 11, 2011, quit his job four days after the Boston Marathon attack, on the same day that the world learned the bombers had killed a police officer, carjacked a young businessman in Cambridge, and engaged investigators in a wild firefight that had left another police officer in critical condition and one of the Tsarnaev brothers dead. the governor of Massachusetts issued a “shelter in place” order for a large swath of the Commonwealth, Leone quietly resigned and announced that he would be joining Nixon Peabody, a prestigious 150-year-old law firm that counted many former federal prosecutors, judges, and political advisors among its attorneys. Nixon Peabody boasted of its new hire by describing Leone this way: “As the Department of Justice’s first ever Anti-Terrorism Task Force Coordinator for Massachusetts, Leone initiated nationally recognized and unprecedented cooperation among federal, state and local authorities to protect the Commonwealth from terrorist threats following September 11.
It remains unclear whether or not Leone ever alerted the FBI about the bizarrely savage triple murder on Harding Avenue in Waltham on September 11, 2011, or about the connection of Tamerlan, who once lived with Brendan Mess as roommates, to the victims. He did, however, call the scene graphic at the time of the slayings.7 Then there was the odd coincidence of Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s title fight wins for Team New England in the National Golden Gloves in 2009 and 2010, which coincided with Gerry Leone’s second job as a Golden Gloves referee at Lowell Stadium, the very same place where Tsarnaev was crowned champion.

When the men were murdered on Harding Avenue, Leone was an executive board member of the Massachusetts Anti-Terrorism Advisory Council, a perfect fit for the former federal prosecutor who had successfully sent failed shoe bomber Richard Reid to Administrative Maximum Facility (ADX) Supermax (which has solitary cells for 490 male prisoners), in Florence Colorado, for life. He was also familiar with the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force, for which he still acted as a consultant. Certainly Leone knew that the date of the murders and the manner in which the men had been nearly beheaded and the two Jewish victims sexually mutilated were indications that Islamic terrorists should have been suspected as the perpetrators. Leone was a very sharp investigator, which led to questions being asked among his peers about whether he had been pressured to put the Harding Avenue investigation on the back burner so some federal agency could continue to run Tamerlan as an asset. Of course, no one would ask those questions publicly.

There is a gag order in place on the entire triple homicide both in the trial of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev and in the Middlesex district attorney’s office even at the time of this writing, in 2016. All testimony and evidence in Tsarnaev’s trial pertaining to the Waltham triple murders would be filed under seal, and remain under seal as late as December 2016.

Turns out all district attorneys are bastards, who'd thunk?

In April 2010, Ibragim got in a fight after getting in a fender-bender. Three police officers had to hold him down to subdue him. Normally, getting in a fight with police can be grounds for deportation, but strangely nothing happend to him. Nor was he surveilled after the Waltham killings.


And on May 4, just weeks before the Massachusetts investigators’ arrival in Florida, FBI agents from the Tampa field office had been surveilling Ibragim’s movements with low-flying surveillance planes and around-the-clock teams when they saw him get into an argument over a parking spot with a father and his son. It was vicious. Ibragim tried to pull his white Mercedes into the spot at an outlet mall that the other two men had been waiting for. The father yelled: “No way, I was here first. My blinker was on.”15 All hell broke loose. The argument turned into a fistfight. The son was knocked unconscious and lost several teeth. His father was badly bloodied. The FBI watched the entire event but could not intervene. It was their job to watch a possible terrorist, not stop a felonious assault. Off-duty Orange County Deputy Sheriff Larry Clifton responded to a 911 call placed by a passerby and arrested Ibragim for aggravated battery. Clifton wrote in his report: “I immediately recognized the marks on his ears as [those of] a cage fighter/jujitsu fighter. I know from training, experience, and watching a lot of sanctioned fights how dangerous these men can be. I told this suspect that if he tried to fight with us I would shoot him.”16 With that warning Ibragim quieted down and was taken into custody.
On April 21, 2013, Ibragim got a call on his cell phone from the FBI. Agents wanted to talk about Tamerlan, the Prospect Street mosque, and the calls and texts Ibragim had exchanged with Tamerlan on September 11, 2011, evidence that put them both in Waltham at the time of the triple killings.

Ibragim had lived in Orlando since moving out of Boston the same night as the Harding Avenue murders, and he wasn’t willing to go back. When the agents called in 2013 he made it clear that he would cooperate, but only if he would be allowed to go back to Russia right afterward. The FBI told Ibragim it would probably be difficult for him to leave the country as he had been put on a no-fly list, and his only way off it was to sit down with investigators. Ibragim agreed.
With Middlesex District Attorney Gerry Leone gone, the Democratic governor had put a political appointee in his place. Her name was Marian Ryan, and she was not exactly known as a risk taker before she got the promotion. This was a big case, and it involved international radical Islamic terrorism. She told her office to direct the troopers to wait until they had hard evidence or a confession in writing before taking Ibragim into custody.

According to the FBI, Ibragim began to write out a confession, then threw a coffee table at one agent, then grabbed a broom and started to charge the other agent, so he had to put seven bullets in him. The FBI has such a sterling reputation, I have no reason to doubt their side of the story at all.


Ibragim’s death became an international incident. His father, Abdul-Baki Todashev, held a press conference in Moscow where he called the FBI agents “bandits” who had tortured and executed his son. “I want justice and an investigation in accordance with American laws to punish those who are guilty,” Abdul-Baki Todashev said. “They were not FBI employees, but bandits.”20 He held pictures of his dead son’s bullet-riddled body over his head and described the carnage as a scene out of a movie. Of course, Ibragim was not a US citizen. He was instead, like Tamerlan, a lawful permanent resident holding a Russian passport. His brushes with the law should have led to deportation hearings, but that never happened. Tatiana Gruzdeva, his girlfriend, who had been arrested as leverage against him, would not be so lucky: she was deported.

Ibragim’s father would not let up the pressure on US officials. With the help of his boss, the Chechen president whom Tamerlan had hoped was dead on Eid al-Adha, the senior Todashev wrote a letter to US President Barack Obama that he shared with the international press corps:

“Did my son know that he had the right to remain silent or did he have rights at all, including the right to live? Being a citizen of another country he might not be aware of the laws as he was only 27 years old and wanted to live so much. No, they left no chances for him inflicting 13 gunshot wounds and multiple hematomas on his body. After what FBI agents have done to him whatever excuses they come up with nobody would believe them because my son is dead and cannot talk for himself. They did it deliberately so that he can never speak and never take part in court hearings. They put pressure on my son’s friends to prevent them from coming to the court and speaking the truth. I rely on you, Mr. President, and hope that the prosecutor’s office and the court do not let the agencies conducting internal investigation on this case prevent the truth from coming to light so that at least some part of our grief, caused by the murder of our son, is relieved, and that the murderers stand trial instead of sit in their desk chairs.”21

“The FBI imposed a gag order on its agents about the case, and Ibragim’s death certificate was sealed. But the less the FBI said, the more suspicious his death looked. To make matters worse, the Boston Globe uncovered McFarlane’s (the FBI shooter) shady past as an Oakland, California, police officer. By the time he was thirty-one, he had been investigated by Oakland Police Department’s internal affairs staff multiple times and retired under a cloud of suspicion with a disability pension, saying that he had been hurt on the job (but apparently not hurt enough to pursue a career in the FBI, which he managed to do without giving up his $52,000 annual disability pension). (Oh, OPD, you little scamps, never change)

“CAIR immediately got involved, providing legal advice and a driver for Ibragim’s father when he obtained a tourist visa to travel to the United States. CAIR said that the FBI had been trying to bully Ibragim into becoming an informant and had used similar tactics to intimidate his Muslim friends. “FBI agents have threatened to wrongfully arrest them [the Muslim friends] unless they became informants and spied on local mosques, Muslim restaurants and hookah lounges."
Mr. Todashev, a trained Mixed Martial Arts fighter, struck the FBI agent in the head with a coffee table and then armed himself near the front door of the address. As he then re-engaged [McFarlane] and [Cinelli] they both perceived Mr. Todashev’s movements towards them as being potentially life threatening,” according to the report, written by the attorney general’s chief of investigations, Eric Edwards. “The use of deadly force by [McFarlane] on May 22, 2013, was reasonable and justified, and therefore, lawful.”24
The cops were cleared, and to this day the Waltham triple homicide case remains open. Dead men tell no tales. But their friends do.”


One of the questions that died with Ibragim Todashev was about a gun that was stashed “for protection” at 12 Harding Avenue in Waltham, a gun that went missing after the murders. The gun belonged to Brendan Mess, Hiba Eltilib, his girlfriend, told investigators in the hours after she saw the bodies of her boyfriend (with his throat slashed ear to ear) and his friends (sexually mutilated, with their necks sliced by a blade as well). Left in the apartment was $5,000 in cash and thousands of dollars’ worth of hydroponic marijuana, but the gun was gone, she said. Ibragim had been in the process of confessing to the robbery that he committed with Tamerlan on September 11, 2011, when he died. He never got around to writing exactly what they had stolen.

The missing gun, investigators believed, could explain the two muzzle flashes observed by multiple witnesses during the Watertown firefight. Sergeant Jeffrey Pugliese, a firearms instructor and expert, insisted he saw two muzzle flashes. So did officers Joe Reynolds and Miguel Colon. Some of the residents of Laurel Street also thought there were two weapons, but only one gun, the Ruger P95 carried by Tamerlan Tsarnaev, was recovered—except for a BB gun that had been discarded on a resident’s lawn. The muzzle flashes indicated that there could be another shooter on the scene, possibly a resident of the house at 89 Dexter Avenue that Dzhokhar Tsarnaev had emerged from, or even the man that Tamerlan had called right after the murder of MIT Police Officer Sean Collier: a native of the Caucasus named Viskhan Vakhabov. He and Tamerlan prayed together at the Cambridge mosque. Their brothers were friends and classmates at UMass/Dartmouth, and, prosecutors said, Viskhan was a liar who refused to testify in front of a grand jury on the ground that “he could incriminate himself in the Boston Marathon bombings,” a statement that should have made him a person of interest in connection with the bombing plot. But for some inexplicable reason the federal government did not consider him a suspect and fought hard to keep his interviews with the FBI a secret, calling him an unreliable witness—albeit a witness who had spent a lot of time with both Tsarnaev brothers. The three had even been together in the days immediately before, and then again after, the Boston Marathon attack, going together to Wai Kru to work out.

There was immediate speculation among local law enforcement officials that the FBI was shielding Viskhan from scrutiny because he was another of the bureau’s many Muslim informants—just like Tamerlan before he snapped. Considering the spy planes and around-the-clock JTTF teams of investigators used to monitor other friends of the Tsarnaev brothers like Ibragim and Khairullozhon Matanov, Viskhan’s freedom seemed especially strange.

“It’s undisputed that Tamerlan Tsarnaev contacted him on April 18th, I believe, between the time that Officer Collier was murdered and the time that Dun Meng was carjacked,” Assistant US Attorney William Weinreb said.3 “He has given quite inconsistent statements about what that conversation was about and what Tamerlan Tsarnaev may have asked him or said to him.”

The inconsistencies Weinreb referred to were in reference to the April 20, 2013, visit an FBI agent made to Viskhan’s house in Allston, about a five-minute walk from the spot where Dun Meng was carjacked.
“Then in 2011, right around the time the FSB notified the FBI about Tamerlan’s and his mother’s radicalization, there was a dramatic change. He didn’t want to go out anymore and even lectured Viskhan: “Just because you say you are a Muslim, it does not mean that you really are. A true Muslim would not go out and smoke and chill out.” Viskhan refused to tell the agent what he and Tamerlan talked about in the phone call on the night of April 18, after Collier’s murder and before Meng was carjacked—the night that ended with Tamerlan dead and a Watertown neighborhood pocked with bullet holes and bomb burns. All he would say was that Tamerlan was clearly inspired by the jihad during his trip to Russia and would repeatedly say that being a mujahedin was the only “proper path” for Muslims. Tamerlan had even called him from Russia during his six months in the motherland, talking about jihad and the like.

“None of that was enough to lead the FBI to make Viskhan the subject of around-the-clock surveillance by two-man JTTF teams and spy planes overhead recording his every move—which had not been the case with Ibragim, the dead Chechen in Florida, or Khairullozhon.”
What Khairullozhon couldn’t come up with an explanation for was the twenty-two-minute phone call he had with Ibragim on April 14, 2013—the day before the Boston Marathon bombings. That was the day that Ibragim told him he had finally gotten a green card and that he had purchased a ticket to Russia so he could go home. “They did not speak about Tamerlan or Dzhokhar,” the FBI noted.
What Khairullozhon couldn’t come up with an explanation for was the twenty-two-minute phone call he had with Ibragim on April 14, 2013—the day before the Boston Marathon bombings. That was the day that Ibragim told him he had finally gotten a green card and that he had purchased a ticket to Russia so he could go home.
The day after his first FBI interview, Khairullozhon called Ibragim again, according to FBI reports. Both men were in a panic. Ibragim had canceled his trip to Russia after Khairullozhon told him that he had spoken to the FBI.
When asked by the FBI if the two discussed what had happened in Waltham, Khairullozhon said he didn’t remember. The lies continued, the FBI would charge. Khairullozhon said when he picked the brothers up for dinner on the night of the bombings, he honked the horn of his taxi and stayed outside. He later admitted that he had gone upstairs but said he hadn’t seen Tamerlan’s wife, Karima. Then he recanted that statement too and admitted that Tamerlan’s wife had been in the apartment that night and had also been home in the past when he and other Muslim men socialized and watched videos that glorified jihadi violence.

One of those men was Magomed Dolakov. And he fit the description of the mysterious man that Watertown Sergeant Pugliese had seen acting suspiciously during the firefight, hopping a fence and running away. A white male in his twenties, Magomed had a degree in physics from the National Nuclear Research University in Moscow. He had moved to Cambridge from Houston, Texas, in July 2012, a month before Tamerlan returned from his trip overseas. Magomed spent most of his time in the library at MIT, where he had been accepted into a master’s program and was waiting for classes to begin, and that is where the FBI found him. They asked him to meet at a nearby Starbucks for a chat. Magomed complied.”

The talk turned fairly quickly to politics in Russia, with Magomed claiming his family had been targeted by the FSB, whose agents “would go around and just kill people.”8 He told the FBI he had attended services at the mosque on Minskaya Street in Dagestan where the FSB had taken surveillance photographs of Tamerlan during his time in the area. “Yeah, I know Tamerlan,” Magomed told the FBI agents. He met him at the mosque on Prospect Street in Cambridge during the celebration of Eid in 2012. He remembered that Tamerlan was wearing the traditional all-white robe worn by Muslims during holy days. “I could tell he was radical,” Magomed said. “He was not open to any other beliefs.” The next day Tamerlan picked him up so they could meet friends, including “Khairullozhon, at the beach in Quincy and then invited him for dinner at his home. “Tamerlan’s wife was there,” the FBI noted in the proffer report. “They continued to talk about Islam, and Tamerlan continued to express his radical views on Islam.” Karima did not seem to mind the conversation; in fact, she seemed to support it. She was there when Tamerlan began to describe the mujahedin as “brave” and say that was why he planned to become one.

“What about your wife, your daughter, your responsibilities?” Magomed said he asked. “Your daughter would grow up without a father.”
“Tamerlan scoffed. Karima said nothing. Magomed claimed he didn’t see Tamerlan again for months, not until he started to attend services at the Prospect Street mosque.
“I asked him if he was working,” Magomed recalled: “He said, Allah sent him money.”
Of course that money was probably coming from the federal coffers that taxpayers filled—part of the money paid to assets who agreed to collaborate with the FBI against fellow Muslims in return for cash and favors, like the citizenship that Tamerlan craved so desperately. How else could an unemployed father drive a Mercedes and spend six months overseas?”

“That interview was the last the FBI had with Magomed, who disappeared days later. Dzhokhar’s defense attorneys were eager to talk to him about the radicalization of their client’s older brother, but no one could find him. “We can’t find him,” defense attorney Miriam Conrad would tell the court, adding, “neither can the government.”9 The implication was that the government didn’t want Magomed talking, so they may have let him flee.

“The FBI, multiple sources told me, wanted to present evidence to a grand jury about what Katherine Russell knew about the plan to attack innocent civilians at the marathon. She lived in a house festooned with jihadi flags, knew Tamerlan was engaging in target practice with a BB gun that he fired at a target hung on the living room wall. The damage to the wall apparently didn’t concern Tamerlan or Katherine, since they were leaving. After their eligibility for a housing subsidy from the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Section 8 ended in November 2012, they stopped paying rent to Joanna Herlihy, and she was forced to evict them from the home where the Tsarnaevs had lived for a decade thanks to US taxpayers. The FBI believed that Katherine knew more than she was saying and could be charged with obstruction “of a federal terrorism investigation. The US Attorney’s Office denied the FBI’s recommendation that Tamerlan’s wife should be charged, which subsequently caused tension between federal prosecutors and FBI agents. After all, she was googling “rewards for the wife of mujahedin.”

No one believed that the Tsarnaev brothers had acted alone in bombing the Boston Marathon—what with the occupants of 89 Dexter Avenue who had mysteriously vanished from Watertown and the missing Chechens—but federal prosecutors were focused on the case against Dzhokhar. They had their man.
To suggest others were involved might provoke panic about a larger network.

Oh, to be naive enough to think the government wouldn't benefit from causing a panic

The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007

Part 5:


But then a man named Daniel Morley was arrested for attacking his mother, and with that arrest came the discovery of a massive cache of bomb-making materials, including a giant pressure cooker concealed in a duffel bag along with blue surgical gloves, a machete, Russian assault rifles, and an empty box that had contained the exact size and brand of pressure cooker—a six-quart Fagor—used in the bombs that had exploded at the Boston Marathon’s finish line.”
Most alarmingly, police found a top for a box containing a six-quart Fagor pressure cooker, the exact size and brand that FBI bomb squad technicians said had been used at the finish line of the Boston Marathon. On the back of the box top was a chemical recipe for thermite—a combination of metal powder fuel and metal oxide that, when ignited by heat, can act as an accelerant and is often used for bomb fuses to create a more powerful explosion. The recipe was scribbled in pen like a laboratory formula, much like the ones Daniel used when he was employed as a veterinarian technician in MIT’s Division of Comparative Medicine, a lab located inside the Stata building, outside of which MIT Police Officer Sean Collier had been killed. Daniel’s employment with MIT had been terminated in July 2012. Morley told his mother he didn’t want to conduct tests on animals any longer, but it was more likely that he had been fired.

The police knew what they were looking at in Daniel’s cramped bedroom at his mother’s house. They had all studied the pictures from the marathon bombing enough to know that they were looking at basically every component needed to build the kind of bombs that had been detonated at the marathon.
The Boston Marathon attack had happened just two months earlier, and no one was taking any chances with this kid. Besides, the FBI had repeatedly indicated to its law enforcement officers that agents had not “definitively determined where the bombs were built,” a statement that FBI special agent John Walker had even made on the stand in the trial of Azamat Tazhayakov(Dzhokhar's friend at UMass). That statement was echoed by FBI supervisory agent David McCollum, a chemist forensic examiner in the bureau’s Explosives Unit, who testified, “I do not, based on our analysis, think we can tell where these bombs were built.”2
In that same brief, the government made the startling assertion that the Tsarnaev brothers lacked the sophistication to build the bombs, raising the possibility that they had worked with accomplices. “The Marathon bombs were constructed using improvised fuses made from Christmas lights and improvised, remote-control detonators fashioned from model car parts. These relatively sophisticated devices would have been difficult for the Tsarnaevs to fabricate successfully without training or assistance from others.” And even the evidence, the government wrote, didn’t bolster the belief that the brothers built the bombs. “The Tsarnaevs also appeared to have crushed and emptied hundreds of individual fireworks containing black powder in order to obtain explosive fuel for the bombs. The black powder used in fireworks is extremely fine; it was therefore reasonable to expect that if the Tsarnaevs had crushed the fireworks and built the bombs all by themselves, traces of black powder would be found wherever they had done the work. Yet searches of the Tsarnaevs’ residences, three vehicles, and other locations associated with them yielded virtually no traces of black powder, again strongly suggesting that others had built, or at least helped the Tsarnaevs build, the bombs, and thus might have built more.”
“So it was an odd coincidence that the bombs the Tsarnaev brothers used at the marathon had been made inside pressure cookers of the same brand and size that Morley kept a box top to in his house.

Somethine weird happened as they were arresting Morley:


Before long, FBI agents from the Boston field office showed up, which struck the cops on the scene as strange. No one had called the FBI yet. One bomb squad technician would later say, “It was very surprising to us that the FBI responded immediately to a scene for a crackpot.” The commanding officers from the MSP and the Topsfield Police Department looked at one another with raised eyebrows. Did you call them?, the questioning looks said. Both shook their heads. The FBI hadn’t been notified, and it was unusual for them to respond without being summoned by a police official. No one knew if they had overheard the radio transmission to Topsfield PD, which was unlikely, or if they had gotten a call from someone inside the house.
A notebook on a table was opened to show bizarre drawings, such as a Star of David with a swastika scrawled inside. To make matters worse, Daniel’s mother’s boyfriend told police that on the day of the marathon attack he had looked at Glenda and demanded, “Where is your son?” That morning he had been doing yard work when Daniel had slipped away. Daniel came home two days later and told his mother he had gone fishing with his friend, Marc Pascuito. His mother’s boyfriend didn’t believe him and suspected Daniel had been involved in whatever happened on Boylston Street, a suspicion that only grew when Daniel’s mother brought up the bombing with her son when he got back, telling him she had been worried.
“What’s the big deal?” Daniel answered. “People are dying all over the place.”
Police found rather disturbing letters that Marc Pascuito, an Army washout who lived with his parents in Medford, had written Daniel.
"What words capture the gravity of our friendship and its vast import to me? If such verbiage exists, it eludes me. I can only say that you are an individual whom I am glad to call my confidant, and that I am proud and honored that you may refer to me as the same. May Quetzalcoatl smile upon you.

Yours in the glory of the Triumvirate, Marc Pascuito."

The Triumvirate, Glenda explained, referred to Daniel, Marc, and their friend Vladimir Zaitsev, a UMass/Amherst student who lived in western Massachusetts. All of them, Glenda reluctantly told police, had expressed some “anti-government and anti-Semitic views,” Hayward wrote in a search warrant affidavit, “and was very unfavorable towards Israel.”

Hayward also sent a report to the FBI and JTTF stating the following:
Daniel Morley had items consistent with bomb making materials.
Daniel Morley stated to his mother that he and his friend Marc Pascuito had done things that he could only answer to God for.
Daniel Morley stated to his mother that Marc Pascuito was trying to get Daniel to do something real bad.
Daniel Morley told both Mr. Bloss and Ms. Duckworth that Marc Pascuito stated he had boxed with or boxed against Tamerlan Tsarnaev, the suspect in the Boston Marathon bombing.
Daniel Morley had a Russian friend only known as “Vlad.”
The pressure cooker and other items were purchased prior to the Boston Marathon bombing.
Daniel Morley had strong anti-government beliefs as well as anti-Semitic beliefs.

Dr. Breen, a terrorism expert, stated it was possibly containing a skyline in Boston and a plane that may be a potential target area, analyzed a painting located on a temple made by Daniel Morley.
An agent from the JTTF came to the Topsfield Police Department headquarters to collect Morley’s laptop, which was sent to Quantico where it could be analyzed and the findings listed in what is known as an FBI Forensic Toolkit report.
Hayward also found other connections, all coincidental, that linked Daniel to Tamerlan Tsarnaev. For one thing, both men had taken classes at Bunker Hill Community College in 2008 and were involved in mixed martial arts and attended boxing gyms in the area, such as the Somerville Boxing Club, at that same time. Both were students of anarchist literature. Tamerlan subscribed to the Sovereign newspaper, which published stories exploring conspiracy theories such as those suggesting that 9/11 was an inside job. The examination of Daniel’s laptop would show that he had a heavy interest in the group Anonymous (discussed in a previous chapter). His arrest record also raised some eyebrows.

The NYPD had arrested Daniel in 2011, as he led an Occupy Wall Street march in New York City. A photographer captured the moment when he was thrown to the ground and handcuffed by a captain. Also found in Daniel’s belongings after a search warrant had been approved was a card naming him as a member of the New Hampshire Liberty Forum, a libertarian group based in Keene.

The chief of the Keene Police Department was so worried about anarchist groups in the area that he applied for a grant from the federal government to obtain an armored BearClaw, exactly like the one used when Dzhokhar was pulled from the boat in Watertown, writing that “groups such as the Sovereign Citizens, Free Staters and Occupy New Hampshire are active and present daily challenges.”7 The chief also wrote that police were concerned about “several homegrown clusters that are anti-government and pose problems for law enforcement agencies.” Groups like Liberty Forum—whose membership emblem reads “Free State Project. Liberty in Our Lifetime,” which appears next to the slogan “Many Paths to Liberty!”8—were not linked to any crimes but could rise up as anarchists against police, according to the chief.

Ah, the lame kind of anarchists.


“I never purchased a firework in my life and I didn’t know why I was suddenly getting these flyers,” David explained.10 He was puzzled that his girlfriend’s son was not being looked at more closely, especially given the government’s fears that a large network was involved in the marathon bombing plot. It was something that had been discussed by public officials and had been covered by the press after the US Attorney’s office filed a motion for a search warrant at the Tsarnaevs’ home.
[bBut for some inexplicable reason, the FBI insisted, and continues to insist to this day, that Daniel had nothing to do with the marathon bombings—despite the ball bearings in his bedroom alongside a giant pressure cooker, despite the top of a box for a six-quart Fagor pressure cooker, the same size and brand used in the marathon attacks, despite the fireworks flyers sent to his mother’s house, and despite the connections to Tamerlan mentioned by his mother.[/b]
David asked the author in the driveway of his Topsfield home, “Can the FBI hide someone in a hospital?” He had dealt with Daniel’s mental illness for more than a decade, and every previous hospitalization had lasted for five days. Never two years—which is how long Daniel would stay in the hospital this time.”

“Months after Daniel’s arrest—when he was confined in a psychiatric ward at Tewksbury Hospital, where his mother visited weekly—Topsfield police officials were stunned to learn that he would not be indicted for possession of the explosive materials and weapons stashed in his room. He would not be held accountable for the chaos on his block or the massive police response after he attacked his mother. The office of Essex County Prosecutor Jonathon Blodgett referred all questions regarding Daniel’s case to the FBI. And the FBI wasn’t talking.

Carrie Kimball-Monahan, spokesperson for the Essex County District Attorney’s Office, explained that all of the evidence in the case had been turned over to the FBI. “We nolle prosequi’ed the bomb threat charge,” Kimball-Monahan said, meaning that the case against Morley would be dropped without even being heard in Superior Court, unusual for such serious charges. “Mr. Morley must comply with [the] Department of Mental Health, including medications, and not abuse his family. If he complies with these conditions and stays out of trouble, the case will be dismissed.”12

Oddly, Kimball-Monahan then referred all questions about Daniel to the FBI with no real explanation as to why she did so. Not that it mattered, since the FBI would not answer them.In fact, to this day no one in the federal government has answered the question about whether Daniel may, however unwittingly, have been responsible for building the bombs used at the Boston Marathon. But a friend of Daniel’s who asked not to be identified in these pages said he had told the FBI that Daniel had repeatedly boasted of building bombs that would target “corporate America” and be detonated under billboards for giant companies, like banks. Marc said much the same thing in interviews: “I don’t think Danny bombed the marathon, but he had a lot of anger at corporate America.”13”

Then there were the similarities between the materials recovered in Daniel’s home and the bombs used at the finish line. In an FBI affidavit filed on April 21, 2013, Special Agent Daniel R. Genck of the counterterrorism squad of the FBI’s Boston field office wrote that “many of the BBs were contained within an adhesive material” and “contained green-colored hobby fuse.”14 Green-colored hobby wire was one of the items recovered in Morley’s bedroom. [/b]

And there was the unrecovered machete that prosecutors mentioned in a superseding federal indictment against Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, a follow up indictment that was filed after the original with additional charges. The machete was not recovered at the crime scene on Boylston Street or near the Watertown firefight. No machete was found at 410 Norfolk Street or in Dzhokhar’s green Honda. There was none in the stolen Mercedes SUV. It remains unclear why prosecutors would mention this machete, a weapon that was never entered into evidence and would never become part of the case against him at trial.
However, Tewksbury police recovered a machete at Daniel’s house. A photo of it was entered into evidence and recorded on Hayward’s report.

Hmm, prosecutors mentioned a machete that was never found. Perhaps because it was used to slit the throats of the Waltham victims.


“The machete is part of another mystery that continues to swirl around Daniel: the unsolved 7-Eleven robbery that took place at 10:20 P.M. on Thursday, April 18—at the same time Collier was murdered. A video of the robbery shows a man talking on a cell phone while he robbed the clerk of less than $29 in cash. Initially police officials, including MSP Colonel Tim Alben (now retired), blamed the bombers for the 7-Eleven robbery. The following day that statement was retracted, and police officials said the bombers were not responsible. But multiple sources—including David, his mother’s boyfriend and the man he lived with—have said the robber was Daniel.”

“To this day, no one has been charged with the 7-Eleven robbery that police initially announced the Tsarnaev brothers had been involved with. Friends of Daniel have also viewed the screen shot I showed David and have had the same reaction as he did. “No question,” said one, who has been questioned by the FBI, “That’s Danny.” A Cambridge police official also referred questions about the still-unsolved 7-Eleven robbery to the FBI.
FBI officials claim Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev built the bombs they used at the marathon by following a recipe in Inspire, an Al Qaeda magazine.
But the FBI’s analysis of the bombs debunked the bureau heads’ insistence that the Tsarnaev brothers had constructed them. FBI technicians at the Terrorist Explosive Device Analytical Center in Quantico in late April 2013 found that the bombs in Boston had a much more sophisticated design than that shown in the online magazine, including differences in the initiators, power source, and switch or trigger, which used a toy car remote control." (Remember the landlord of the apartments where Dun Meng picked up Dzhokhar collected top car parts)

The FBI electronics forensics report also cited circumstantial evidence of Daniel’s involvement. For example, on February 19, 2013, he searched the Internet for the term “learning Russian for beginners.” Then on March 10 he searched for the address of a Manchester, New Hampshire, gun range called Firing Line. Exactly ten days later the Tsarnaev brothers visited that range, where they rented 9mm handguns and engaged in target practice for about an hour, prosecutors said. Daniel had posted pictures of himself on social media websites shooting guns at the Firing Line around the same time.
“In the days after he was released in June 2015, Daniel was asked if he had robbed the 7-Eleven to distract cops while the Tsarnaev brothers broke into the lab where he had previously been employed, the one where he could have been making thermite, the bomb accelerant for which a recipe had been scrawled on the back of the empty Fagor pressure cooker box. There has never been any explanation as to why the Tsarnaev brothers were on the campus of MIT, and the theory that they went to steal Collier’s gun is debunked by video evidence played in Tsarnaev’s trial. In the grainy video, Collier is shot and Dzhokhar and Tamerlan first flee the shooting, and then Dzhokhar goes back to get the gun as an afterthought, leaving his fingerprints in the cruiser and on “the gun handle. (He was unsuccessful in taking it because of the holster lock.) Morley wasn’t going to talk about the bombs, or the Tsarnaevs, or whether he helped them. He answered me with just two words. “Wasn’t me.” It was the same answer he gave me when I visited him at Tewksbury State Hospital months earlier. “Wasn’t me.”


In November 2011, Los Angeles native Danny Sun Jr. had purchased the 9mm Ruger P95 at a Cabela’s hunting and fishing store in South Portland, Maine, as part of a multigun purchase. Sun later told police that at some point over the next year, he paid off a drug debt by giving the gun to his dealer, Biniam “Icy” Tsegai, the main target in the Operation Run This Town case. Sometime in 2012, Icy handed the gun off to twenty-one-year-old Merhawi “Howie” Berhe, a fellow Eritrean, who then gave it to Stephen. Stephen said he got the gun after Berhe’s mother had cleaned his room, found it in her son’s sock drawer, and ordered him to get rid of it.
“Man, I need to borrow that gun,” Dzhokhar told him. “I want to rip [off] some URI [University of Rhode Island] kids.” Stephen agreed to lend it to him, and Dzhokhar picked it up roughly two months before the marathon bombings. Stephen gave it to him wrapped in a tube sock, along with bullets—which Dzhokhar had referred to as “food for the dog.” Stephen then became annoyed with his friend, who kept “coming up with excuses” when he was supposed to return the gun. Howie wanted it back, and Stephen was now in a bad spot.
The gun was a key piece of evidence in the case against Dzhokhar. Defense attorneys had repeatedly argued in court motions that he was a gullible teen who had come under the sway of his intimidating older brother. The gun proved that Dzhokhar was an integral part of the deadly plot to bomb the Boston Marathon, and Stephen would soon prove to be an important witness to substantiate that proof.


“The trip to Russia was like part of the plot of a Steven Seagal movie.
Furious federal lawmakers, including Congressman William Keating, had demanded answers from the FBI about the Boston Marathon attack, but the bureau’s top officials refused multiple requests to testify at Congressional hearings. So the lawmakers turned to Seagal—the swarthy action hero who has long been rumored to be a CIA operative and who counts Vladimir Putin among his pals and has connections to politicians in Chechnya—to lead them into a war-torn country full of suicide bombers and brutality, a region where there are roadblocks and cop killings and where people vanished without warning, never to be seen again. Yes, it sounded like a movie, but it was all too real. (LOL)

Congressman Dana Rohrabacher had heard the stories about Seagal’s connections to the highest levels of government in Russia and asked him if he could open some of the doors that a delegation of lawmakers would otherwise need to kick in to get any cooperation. The FBI had been stonewalling Congress for months—FBI Director Robert Mueller had even rebuffed an invitation to brief federal lawmakers on the Homeland Security Committee in a closed-door classified session—and by June 2013 lawmakers had decided to go to Russia in search of “the answers that the FBI refused to give them. And Seagal was going to lead the group.

Before they left, Rohrabacher explained to reporters that he had known Seagal for a number of years and that the two had often discussed thwarting radical Islamic terrorism.(DOUBLE LOL) He repeatedly praised the actor for going out of his way to set up meetings for the delegation in Russia. Rohrabacher had been a speechwriter for President Ronald Reagan and was all too familiar with the way things got done during the Cold War.

Seagal had offered to set up a meeting for the delegation with Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov, a man who had been criticized in the State Department’s latest annual human rights report for his heavy-handed antiterrorism tactics, which included abductions of suspected radicals. He was known for burning down the houses of the families of suspected terrorists. The six members of the Congressional delegation—four Republicans and two Democrats—thought that a photo op with Kadyrov might not play well with their constituents back home and declined that offer, so instead Seagal set up a meeting with Deputy “Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, along with ranking members of the FSB, to go over the information that the Russian agency had sent to the FBI’s Boston field office about Tamerlan Tsarnaev and his mother, Zubeidat, back in 2011—information that the FBI had refused to hand over to Congressional investigators. The delegation also wanted a detailed explanation about a communication between the FSB and the FBI on April 22, 2011, regarding another Russian native living in Massachusetts, Ibragim Todashev. Keating said that FSB letter had described Ibragim as among the “matters of significance”—another issue the FBI refused to explain, especially after an investigation had been opened into whether an FBI agent had been justified in shooting Ibragim seven times during an interview at the Russian’s home in Florida. “That letter was dated April 22,” Keating said. “What information about Mr. Todashev did the FBI and CIA share with local law enforcement?”1

The Russians challenged us about the FBI’s claim that it requested more information about Tsarnaev, information that the Russians told us they never received. We asked the FBI for specific dates and who that request was sent to and we never got an answer,” Keating said. “The Russians were more cooperative than the FBI.” He found that worrisome.

There would be a mass exodus of federal investigators—including two appointees of President Barack Obama, the heads of the FBI and DHS—and agents, and even a state prosecutor, after the Boston Marathon attacks. Just months after her Congressional testimony on April 23, 2015, DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano resigned. Her testimony that a “spelling error” had allowed Tamerlan to pass through US Customs when he returned from Russia though he was on two terrorist watch lists, was laughable. But she didn’t stick around to be scoffed at. She knew what was in the DHS USCIS file on Tamerlan: multiple spellings of his name, aliases, and two different dates of birth. There was also the letter that suggested he had been rewarded—telling him to show up to take the oath of citizenship when he wasn’t eligible to become a citizen.

“She announced her resignation on July 12, 2013. The very next day was the last day that Richard DesLauriers, the special agent in charge of the FBI’s Boston field office, would spend with the bureau.[/] DesLauriers announced that he was resigning—four years before he was eligible for full retirement benefits—just ten days before his boss, FBI Director Robert Mueller III, did the same thing.[/b] Mueller had always been viewed with skepticism by Massachusetts law enforcement officials. The crooked FBI agents who ran James “Whitey” Bulger “as an informant had reported to the criminal division of the US Attorney’s Office in Boston, where for a time Mueller had been the acting US attorney. He had presided over the rogue agents during the time when Bulger committed crimes with seeming immunity as a top-echelon FBI informant. Every time local cops got close to making a move against Bulger, their case was blown. And they blamed Mueller and the FBI.

The fallout also affected a special agent whose name came up over and over, David Cedarleaf, a former captain in the US Marines and the agent who corresponded with USCIS to help Tamerlan get his citizenship. He was transferred out of the FBI’s Boston field office. In 2016, US Attorney Carmen Ortiz celebrated the conviction of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev by awarding citations to everyone in that office who had worked on the case, with one exception—Cedarleaf.
By resigning, the FBI officials with direct knowledge of Tamerlan’s relationships could not be compelled to testify in front of Congress. To this day no one in the FBI has.

In case you don't know who Whitey Bulger is

Sen. Keating writes to ask the newly appointed James Comey about information sharing:


1. As mentioned earlier, I was relayed the information contained in both warnings about Tamerlan Tsarnaev while I was in Moscow. The March 4, 2011 message, in particular, was quite detailed. The FBI has admitted to receiving communications from the Russians and has reportedly tried to follow up on the March warning twice. (According to former Director Mueller’s recent testimony before the Senate, the FBI followed up in August and October of 2012.) When I asked the FSB why they didn’t respond to the FBI’s follow-up inquiries, the senior, deputy-level FSB officials in the room vehemently denied that any follow-up from the FBI occurred and asked me to provide them with concrete dates and names associated with such requests. I would ask that the FBI provide the exact dates of any follow-up communications stemming from the US and detail where they were sent. This information can aid in illustrating a lapse within the Russians’ own internal communications and provide the opportunity to correct this in the future.”

2. Your predecessor testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee on May 16, 2013 and stated that information in regard to Tsarnaev’s travel to Russia was not adequately shared within the Joint Terrorism Task Force in Boston. He followed this statement by saying that the FBI has been doing better and improving its procedures since then. Please clarify what information in particular was not shared and how the system has been improved since the Boston Marathon bombings.”

3. Further, Tamerlan Tsarnaev was flagged after his return from Russia and again when he applied for US citizenship. USCIS officials in Boston confirmed on June 21, 2013 that his name was flagged, but when they contacted the FBI they were told that his case was closed and that they could move forward with his naturalization process. Tamerlan Tsarnaev was subsequently granted a citizenship interview. Is the FBI required to conduct a second background check on a previously investigated individual if this individual is applying for citizenship?

4. The March 2011 communication from the Russians also contained information pertaining to aliases that Tsarnaev may have used and indicated the possibility of him altering his name. Is there a mechanism that can override the algorithms in place that proved inadequate in flagging Tsarnaev’s travel to Russia in January 2012? Is there any way to incorporate outside tips on name changes into the consolidated terror watch lists?”

5. Two Homeland Security Committee witnesses, namely former Mayor Rudolph Giuliani (Hahahahahah) and former Senator Joe Lieberman, cited existing “laws” and “guidelines” that constrained the Tsarnaev investigation early on. Even Russian security officials stated that the FBI had told them that “legislation” had obstructed their ability to investigate. Are there such constraints to FBI investigations? If so, how can Congress assist in easing them?
7. The second communication from the Russian FSB on April 22, 2013 detailed Ibragim Todashev under “matters of significance.” Did this communication initiate the FBI’s investigation into Todashev? Since his name appeared in a mode of communication considered to be foreign intelligence, was it permitted to be shared with local authorities?

Anytime you hear about a terrorist attack happening because "Intelligence agencies not sharing information," it's horseshit.


Lawmakers, including Keating, and law enforcement officials, including BPD Commissioner Ed Davis, were also confused about why Tamerlan’s naturalization application—which had already been denied—was reopened after his return from Russia. During his trip, the Russian Interior Ministry—the country’s version of the CIA—managed to track down and kill multiple high-level terrorists who had been spotted with Tamerlan, including the Canadian boxer William Plotnikov.
Lawmakers were not the only ones with questions about Tamerlan’s immigration status. The Office of the Inspector General for the Intelligence Community would examine Tamerlan’s citizenship application as part of a sweeping probe into information sharing among federal agencies in a report released in April 2014. The report pointed out that Tamerlan had reported the passport that he had been issued as a teenager in Kyrgyzstan had been stolen, and that he had applied for a Russian passport during his trip. But he abruptly left Russia without it on July 17, 2012—two days after the raid that left Plotnikov and others dead in the forests of Utamysh. “When Tamerlan landed at Boston’s Logan Airport, he breezed through US customs with just his legal permanent resident identification. The 9/11 Commission Report had recommended that the practice of allowing political refugees, like Tamerlan, to travel to terrorist hotbeds and return to the United States using such documents be stopped. That loophole, however, is still open. The Office of the Inspector General would report that the customs agent “scanned Tsarnaev’s Alien Registration Card into the computer system . . . and admitted him into the country based on his LPR [legal permanent resident] status.”5 The agent,Jim Bailey, told the Office of the Inspector General that he could not remember if he alerted the FBI regarding Tamerlan’s return to the United States, nor did he recall that Tamerlan had paid for his one-way airfare in cash. That was a stunning admission.”

When pressed, Jim Bailey told the Office of the Inspector General that communications with his JTTF colleagues in the FBI were usually “done orally or with a sticky note.” It was only after Tamerlan had been admitted back into the United States that Bailey pulled up the TECS database in which Tamerlan had been identified as a potential terrorist, the report states.

The FBI pointed the finger back at Customs, telling the Office of the Inspector General that “there is a very good chance” that the FBI would have interviewed Tamerlan again upon his return from Russia had it known about the travel, but that this would have “depended on what was learned from the Russians and from any secondary inspection during Tsarnaev’s travel.”

Then there was the business of the Russian Interior Ministry’s press release that stated it had “received information about the possible movements” of insurgents in Utamysh “from an informant.” A similar story was reported on, the jihadist news portal then run by the late Doku Umarov.—a site bookmarked as a favorite on Tamerlan’s laptop and one he referred to frequently in conversations with friends—reported: “Invaders have announced that they identified the personalities of Mujahedeen killed near the village of Utamysh of Kayakent district of Province of Dagestan. According to the Russian aggressors, Mujahedeen got into an ambush, because of a tip from an informer.”6

Many police officials believe that Tamerlan was that informant. Of course, it is not an opinion that they will express on the record. Davis, then commissioner of the BPD, hinted at some federal malfeasance in his Congressional testimony after the blasts at the Boston Marathon. Grassley demanded answers, as did Keating and Republican Congressman Michael McCaul, and there was bipartisan outrage at the FBI’s steadfast refusal to cooperate with Congress. The reopening of Tamerlan’s naturalization application provided evidence for those who believe he was a federal asset.
“In August 2012, weeks after his return from Russia, Tamerlan became more public about his radicalization. He opened a YouTube channel using the name Muaz, the name he had used when he introduced himself to people at the radical mosque in Dagestan. He and his Russian friends, including Khairullozhon Matanov, posed in front of the black flag of jihad at a Boston-area mosque, according to an FBI REPORT.

“Immigration Services Officer asks FBI CT agent assigned to Tsarnaev case if he presents a national security threat,” the FBI report states. That request was sent to Cedarleaf, the same FBI agent who had visited the Tsarnaevs in 2011 and claimed to have reported back to the FSB, a claim that Keating said Russian security officials denied.
On October 23, 2012, Cedarleaf responded to immigration officials, writing that “there is no derogatory information related to national security that would adversely affect the subject’s eligibility for immigration benefit.”8 That statement was repeated in another e-mail sent on October 26, 2013.

The immigration services officer handling Tamerlan’s application for citizenship was clearly concerned, and the e-mails went back and forth from October 2012 to January 2013, a period that coincided with Tamerlan’s increased devotion to Islamic extremism. During those same months he began to post jihad-themed videos on his public YouTube channel.
After all that, it would be a paperwork snafu that would delay the processing of his application—which, in Tamerlan’s mind, he deserved to have approved. The only way that anyone would make a federal push for Tamerlan’s citizenship would be to reward him for a job well done. He was an unemployed Muslim with a criminal history and ties to terrorists, a man who was currently on two terrorist watch lists via the CIA and the FBI, and officially ineligible for citizenship because of his arrest for domestic violence let alone someone likely to be fast-tracked for citizenship.

People like Tamerlan Tsarnaev, unemployed, with a criminal record, and a Muslim, were not exactly at the front of the line for citizenship. In fact, the lack of naturalization applications being processed by USCIS for much more qualified Muslims led the ACLU to study the denials of citizenship for employed, college-educated Islamic applicants in order to commission a report called “Muslims Need Not Apply,” which argued that millions of Muslim applicants apply for asylum and citizenship every year and accused officials in the DHS’s USCIS of secretly excluding “many . . . aspiring Americans from Arab, Middle Eastern, Muslim, and South Asian communities from the promises of citizenship, legal residency, asylum, and other benefits by delaying and denying their applications without legal authority. For years, and without notice to applicants, their lawyers, or the public at large, USCIS has “been blacklisting law-abiding applicants as ‘national security concerns’ based on lawful religious activity, national origin, and innocuous associations. Once blacklisted, these aspiring Americans are barred from obtaining immigration benefits to which they are legally entitled. As a result, by putting their applications on indefinite hold or rejecting them for unfounded reasons, thousands of law-abiding immigrants have had their dreams of citizenship and other immigration status dashed, without ever being told why their applications were treated differently than others.”10

In 2008, USCIS implemented a covert program, the Controlled Application Review and Resolution Program, to “ensure that immigration benefits are not granted to individuals and organizations that pose a threat to national security.”11”
It wasn’t entirely a surprise that Tamerlan wanted to adopt the moniker he had used in Dagestan. He had long been fascinated by aliases and spy craft. An Amazon wish list in his name listed the books How to Make Driver’s Licenses and Other ID on Your Home Computer; Voice Power: Using Your Voice to Captivate, Persuade and Command Attention; Document Fraud and Other Crimes of Deception; and How to Win Friends and Influence People.

The Atomic Man-Boy
Jul 23, 2007

The last part of the book covers the trial of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, it's mostly about testimony from various victims. Dzhokhar guilt was obvious, so instead the shifted to claiming that he was just a good-natured kid who was corrupted by his big brother's radicalization, which he was. His friends and teachers were genuinely shocked


[Judge] Bowler continued: “All right, I’d also like to remind counsel of the presumption of public access to judicial documents, and that this Court frowns upon the sealing of judicial documents unless it’s absolutely necessary. To date, many of the filings in this case have been sealed, and the Court will look carefully in the future because the public has a right to know about the nature of the proceedings.”

That was a request that would never be met. At least Bowler tried. But as the trial progressed, hundreds of files remained sealed. There was a shroud of secrecy around the entire prosecution that would continue long after the trial was over. (In fact, in January 2017, nearly two years after Tsarnaev was sentenced to death, hundreds of filings in the Tsarnaev case remained inexplicably sealed.)

They legit tried to try him for [treason]. Either it is a sign of a creeping authoritaritan state, a sign that the state really wanted this kid dead, or both.


Federal prosecutors wanted to use Dzohkar’s citizenship to level another aggravated charge against him in the thirty-count indictment, saying he had committed an act of treachery against his adopted country. They wrote that he “received asylum from the United States; obtained citizenship and enjoyed the freedoms of a United States citizen; and then betrayed his allegiance to the United States by killing and maiming people in the United States. By taking the oath of citizenship, Tsarnaev sought and received the trust of his fellow Americans. Among other things, he was granted the right to vote in American elections, run for public office, and thus to influence American foreign policy by peaceful means. Just seven months after swearing an oath to defend his adopted country and stand by his fellow Americans, Tsarnaev violated that oath by attacking America and terrorizing and murdering people on American soil. He did so, by his own account, to punish America for the actions of American soldiers who, in fulfilling their own oaths to protect and defend the Constitution, were waging a war against terrorism overseas.

Defense attorneys were horrified by the motion to charge their client with treason and responded with their own legal filing protesting it: “The government’s accusation, plainly expressed, is that the defendant received asylum (that he was eight years old at the time goes unmentioned), became a naturalized citizen, and then attacked the United States. The government has nevertheless already attempted to recast the ‘betrayal’ allegation, insisting that all it meant to allege is that the defendant betrayed his country by carrying out the Marathon attack only seven months after taking the oath of citizenship at the age of 19.”3 US District Court Justice George O’Toole sided with the defense, and the charge of treason was dropped.
Combat veterans made so many comparisons between the war zones where they had served and Boylston Street that Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s defense attorneys would successfully argue that all references to Iraq should be stricken from first responders’ testimony. (Again, empire comes home.)
The fireworks that Tamerlan purchased wouldn’t have provided enough gunpowder for a pipe bomb, never mind a pressure-cooker explosive “like the sophisticated bombs used in Boston. “Certain states sell mortars. They can contain up to maybe 30 grams or more of explosive material within them. So if you’re looking for a pound, 30 grams, 454 grams in a pound, you would need dozens of those mortars just to create a pound of explosive material,” FBI explosives expert David McCollum testified. He then described the “small grains of black powder” recovered along with smudges on surgical gloves found at 410 Norfolk Street. The lack of evidence would become an issue with prosecutors.16

“Mr. McCollum, you testified that there may have been pounds of low explosives that were used in this case?” Assistant US Attorney Aloke Chakravarty asked.”
“And you testified that it’s an extremely messy process to create those low explosives?”
“And as far as you know, with regards to the trace amounts of low explosives that Mr. Watkins asked you about, you found them on some gloves, and you found some in some vacuum filters from 410 Norfolk Street?”
“And that’s the only trace amounts that you found in this case; is that fair to say?”
“And unlike trace amounts of explosive product, there was actually intact fireworks found in the dorm room in Pine Dale Hall, isn’t that right?”
McCollum answered, “If it was submitted to the laboratory coming from there, I analyzed it, so, yes, there were.”
“And in the landfill, there was a bag containing intact amounts of low-explosive, pyrotechnic mixture?”
“Did you ever find a location, a single location, where there was a production facility for these IEDs?”
Before McCollum answer Dzhokhar’s defense lawyers objected, and the judge sustained that objection. It didn’t matter—the message was clear. To this day, the FBI has no idea, or if they do, they’re not telling, where the bombs were built, even if the government’s own court filings suggested investigators believed, and probably continue to believe, the Tsarnaevs had help. The point would be repeated on the stand over and over, in the trials of Dzhokhar and of his college buddies.
“At the mention of Tamerlan, the government’s attorneys bristled. The court had ruled in the weeks after Dzhokhar was indicted that Tamerlan was not on trial and that mentions of his name would be kept to a bare minimum (all of the written rulings were among the sealed records, which remain sealed today). There would be no testimony about Tamerlan’s dealings with government officials, or the questions about his travel raised by members of Congress and investigators within the intelligence community. There would be no questions about why Tamerlan was recording conversations with his mother’s cousin, the leader of an Islamist group, during his time in Russia and downloading those talks onto his laptop. There would be no discussion of his bizarre immigration history or how he had been able to travel in and out of Logan Airport while on two terrorist watch lists.

The FBI was not on trial either, so the question of whether the FBI did or did not respond to the FSB’s 2011 inquiry would not be answered

Inexplicably, most testimony about his brother Tamerlan was prohibited by the court, and his name came up only in the context of his relationship with Dzhokhar and the crimes the brothers committed during their April 2013 rampage of terror. There was video of the brothers at the Firing Line in Manchester, New Hampshire, a month before the blasts, practicing on rented guns like the one that Dzhokhar had borrowed from his friend Stephen Silva, the one that had been linked to the Portland, Maine, drug crew
But Tamerlan’s relationship with the government before the bombings was never brought up, despite the defense team’s earlier assertion—in writing—that the FBI wanted Tamerlan to become an asset, a mole in the Muslim world.
Defense attorneys instead relied on using Tamerlan’s intimidating stature and his radical history to paint a picture of an easily influenced teenager, their client, who was forced by his big brother into the crimes he had admittedly committed. The attorneys showed a video of Tamerlan, Dzhokhar, and the missing Chechen witness, Magomed Dolakov, at Wai Kru the Friday before the bombings—highlighting a scene where Tamerlan threw equipment at his little brother, who seemed to cower a little. Dzhokhar needed to be punished, his defense team admitted, by being forgotten about in the world’s most secure prison, ADX Supermax—the remote Colorado facility where terrorists like Richard Reid, the failed shoe bomber, and the Unabomber, Ted Kaczynski, had been held without incident since their convictions.

In fact, it was Judy Clarke (Dzhokhar's defense attorney) who had saved Kaczynski, and many others, from being sentenced to death. She had a perfect record in death penalty cases. She had helped convince juries to spare the lives of some of the sickest individuals on the planet: Susan Smith, the mother who strapped her two small boys into car seats and then drove them into a lake and watched them drown so that her lover, who didn’t want kids, wouldn’t break up with her; Eric Rudolph, the unapologetic racist and Christian zealot who set off a bomb in Atlanta during the 1996 Summer Olympics, an attack that killed 2 people and injured 150 more; and Jared Lee Loughner, who opened fire in a parking lot near Tucson, Arizona, in 2011, shooting Representative Gabrielle Giffords through the head and killing six others. Even Zacharias Moussaoui, the Al Qaeda operative accused of helping to plan the 9/11 attacks was alive only because of the ferocious defense he had received from Clarke. Over and “over again the media pundits and death penalty experts declared that it would be unlikely that Dzhokhar—a teenager so cute, as the Jaharians (Dzhokhar developed an online fan club during the trial, calling themseves The Jaharians, after his nickname) liked to say, that he was put on the cover of Rolling Stone magazine looking like Jim Morrison, the lead singer of the Doors—would be sentenced to death with Clarke in his corner.

Clarke used her opening statement in the guilt phase of Dzhokhar’s trial in an attempt to save yet another mass murderer from an eventual lethal injection. She was no dummy. The testimony from the victims had been beyond heart wrenching, and her client’s seeming indifference to their suffering had certainly been noted.[bb] Some victims, like the Richard family (the family of the boy who died in the blast), were vehemently opposed to the death penalty, but their views would not be made available to the jury.[/b]

The government seemed absolutely dead set on putting Dzhokhar to death, despite that making the case much more difficult to prosecute than if the charge were life in jail. Perhaps they didn't want him writing a book about it decades later.


“Before you met with Jahar (Dzhokhar's nickname), did you know that he was Muslim?”1

That was the first question defense attorney Miriam Conrad asked the gray-haired Roman Catholic nun with the fireplug build as she took the stand, a silver cross around her neck. She was a witness whom prosecutors had wanted to keep from testifying, a woman who was so famous that her life had been featured in a movie—Dead Man Walking. Her name was Sister Helen Prejean, and on the stand she wore street clothes and smiled at the victims in the courtroom, many of whom were Catholic. Prejean had met with Tsarnaev five times, either at Fort Devens or in the holding cell at the federal courthouse. She told the court that she had begun to read about Islam to prepare for those encounters. The first meeting had been “pleasant,” she remembered.

“Well, I’m not sure he had ever met a nun before, but he was very open and receptive. He was, it was pleasant. He was good,” Sister Prejean told the court.

“What do you remember about that meeting? Without telling us anything that he said, but what do you remember about that first meeting with him?” Conrad asked.

“It’s just, I walked in the room and I looked at his face and I remember [thinking], ‘Oh, my God, he’s so young,’ which he is. And it just had that kind of spontaneity to it that you have with young people, because young people are open and more, you know, responsive. I sensed he was very respectful and that we easily—I felt it was pretty easy to establish a rapport.”

“What kinds of things—without telling us again what was said, but what kinds of topics did you discuss, not just in that first meeting, but through the course of all five meetings?”

“I told him a little bit about being a nun, that I was dedicating my life to God. And one of the things I did know about Islam is [that] to try to do the will of God is the goal of your life. I talked about being a Catholic, serving the people, the kind of stuff I’ve done, growing up in Louisiana. A little bit about what it means to be a Cajun. And then we did get into the whole thing of the death penalty in the United States, told him what my work was and what I—”

[/b]Prejean had already gone too far. Conrad stopped her even before the government attorneys could object. She asked a question that did not address the death penalty directly:[/b] “Did you talk about some of the differences and similarities between Catholicism and Islam?”

“They kind of naturally emerged. Like I talked about how in the Catholic Church we have become more and more opposed to the death penalty—”
The government attorneys immediately raised an objection, which was sustained. Conrad went back to general religious “disagreements,” as Prejean described them between her and Dzhokhar, and Prejean said: “Well, I think some of it revolved around the God of love.”

“At some point did he express to you his feelings about what happened to the victims in this case?” Conrad asked. “What did he say to you about the victims?”

Prejean took a breath and answered firmly: “He said it emphatically. He said, ‘No one deserves to suffer like they did.’”

“How did you perceive his sincerity?”

“As absolutely sincere,” Prejean answered. “His response was so spontaneous, and it’s not like he was hedging or it’s not like he was trying to—he just simply said, ‘Nobody deserves to suffer like that.’ And I had every reason to believe that it was sincere.”

“How would you describe his expression when he said that?” Conrad asked.

“Well, he—his face registered it, and he kind of lowered his eyes.”

“Would you tell the jury he was sincerely remorseful if you did not believe that?” It was Conrad’s last question.
“No I would not.”

Sister Prejean’s testimony would not sway the jury. Nor would Dzhokhar’s crying aunts and former teachers and the girls who had smoked weed with him. On May 15, 2015, an eerie quiet settled over the federal courthouse in Boston as victims and relatives of those killed in the Boston Marathon bombings heard a jury condemn Dzhokhar Tsarnaev to death. The last execution in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts had been in 1947, and the state had outlawed the death penalty in 1984. He would be the second defendant in a federal case in Massachusetts since then to be sentenced to death. The first was spree killer Gary Sampson, who is still on death row.

Liz Norden, who wanted him to get the death penalty for detonating the bomb that left two of her sons amputees and their bodies forever burned and scarred, cried quietly when the jury decided that the twenty-one-year-old should die for his crimes. Bill and Denise Richard, who strongly advocated against capital punishment for the murderer of their eight-year-old son, Martin—the youngest victim killed in the horrific attack—sat stone faced as the verdict was read.

A court officer, who cannot be named because he is still employed by the US District Court, described what happened next with utter contempt. “Everyone was crying and hugging each other. Hugging him. It was despicable,” he remembered. “I’ll tell you who wasn’t crying. That piece of poo poo Jahar.” Another officer still employed by the court would recall becoming nauseous and biting his tongue as he watched what transpired: “They were all weeping, every single lawyer, even the paralegals. It was disgusting. What were they crying about?” (Cops, always the loveliest people)
But Dzhokhar didn’t shed a tear. He was twenty-one years old, and he would be spending years and years in a solitary cell waiting to die.

So that's the book, or at least the most crack-ping parts of it. My thoughts?

The author, Michele McPhee seems to think that Tamerlan Tsarnaev was an FBI informant. That part is pretty much undeniable. However, there are a number of criss-crossing threads that McPhee is either uncomfortable or unable to connect due to a lot of speculation. But looking at it after having my C-SPAM third eye opened(see? you knew I'd get to goatse at some point) it's hard to believe that that is all there is to it. Lets look at some facts:

1: Temerlan was probably an informant on the Eritrean drug smugglers who were supposedly sending proceeds back Al-Shabab, run by Sawfan Madarati. Brendan Mess was probably suspected of being a rat by the gang, and was hiding out. After he and Hiba break up, he and his friends are murdered, likely by Tamerlan and Ibragim Todashev on Sept 11, 2011.

2: Tamerlan was spying on Chechen insurgents. None of these rebels had any obvious ties with terrorists who attacked targets in the US, except for Tamerlan himself. He recorded his interactions with his mother's cousin, Magomed Kartashov, a radical preacher whom none the less was not an insurgent himself.

3: Two groups of insurgents, Nidal's and Plotnikov's, get merc'd shorly after visiting with Tamerlan. He was either informing on them to the FSB or the FSB was following him. Shortly after Plotnikov's death, he leaves Russia in a hurry without picking up the passpord he applied for.

3: Sudden radicalizations. Both Zubeidat and Tamerlan radicalize really drat fast and go from fashionable euro-trash to fundamentalist muslim real quick. Despite walking around in hijab, Zubeidat shoplifts $1500 worth of designer clothing.

4: Zubeidat does a few odd-jobs, Dzhokhar deals a bit of weed. Aside from that, no one in the familiy makes any money and yet they are always flush with cash.

CIA links
1: There is an established with Uncle Ruslan Tsarnaev (now Tsarni,) and Graham Fuller, the former Kabul station chief during the period just before the USSR invasion into Afghanistan. During his tenure, the mujahadeen is leading attacks on the USSR with CIA backing.

2: Someone really wanted the Tsarnaevs in the US. Despite Tamerlan testing positive for Tuberculosis, they're let in. His immigration file initially a completely different person posing as him. Also they come in from Turkey, depite being a Russian/Krgystani family. Perhaps Tamerlan was being considered for an asset from the get-go.

3: Tamerlan was spotted in Georgia (the country that went to war with Russia for 12 days in 2008) at an event from the Jamestown Foundation think tank, which occured in th summer of 2012, after the Waltham killings.

4: Glyn Williams, former CIA agent and UMass Dartmoth professor in Islamic studies, where Dzhohkar was enrolled, was also athe the Jamestown foundation event. He corresponded with Dzhokhar and later said “I hope I didn’t contribute to it [the brothers’ radicalization, which led to the marathon attack]. That kid and his brother identified with the Chechen struggle.” without mentioning Jamestown.

5: Tamerlan's presence in Georgia was at approximately the same time (summer 2012) as his meetings with Chechen rebels.

6: Tamerlan's radicalization lagely seems to come from reading, a pro-Islamist/anti-Russian website in English,Arabic,Ukrainian,Russian and Turkish. I'm not saying the Kavkaz Center is a CIA-funded organization, but if the CIA weren't funding it, they should be shot into the sun for incompetence.

Possible bombing conspirators:
Magomed Dolakov met with Tameran and his wife the day before the bobmbing, and fit the description of the man Pugliese saw on his way to the gun fight. After talking with the FBI, Dolakov dissapears, and the government doesn;t seem interested in finding him.

Viskhan Vakhabov was a friend to the brothers. He received a phone call from Tamerlan after the murder of Sean Collier, he also lives five minutes away from where Dun Meng was carjacked. He also refused to testify at a grand jury because “he could incriminate himself in the Boston Marathon bombings.” The government never surveilled him nor arrested him.

The government seems to have no interest in talking with Karima (Katherine) Tsarnaev.

The landlord of 89 Dexter avenue (where Dun Meng picked up Dzokhar) collected toy car parts, like those used to detonate the bombs.

Daniel Morley probably build the bombs. He probably also called an FBI handler when the police came by to arrest him for attacking his mom. Despite having all the parts for the bombs in his house, the govenment never tried to link him to the bombings, instead tossing him in a mental institution for 2 years.

Ibragim Todashev likely helped Tamerlan kill the Waltham three. He possibly knew Omar Mateen, who also had several contacts with the FBI. I remember some post about that in the Epstein thread, if someone wants to find it. He was miraculously never investigated until after the bombings, and was shot dead in his apartment by the FBI.

Khairullozhon Matanov was a friend of the bombers and Ibragim. He knew they were radicalized, suspected them after the bombings, and talked to the police after Tamelan's death. The is mericlessly surveilled by the FBI.

There was a mass exodus of federal investigators after the bombings, including DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano and Russiagate hero Robert Mueller, presumably so they don't have to answer to congress.

Middlesex County District Attorney Gerard Leone also resigns. He was not only in charge of the investigation of the Waltham killings, but the referee where Tamerlan was crowned Golden Gloves champion in 2009 and 2010.

We can't dismiss the CIA links out of hand, and the Jamestown Foundation and Graham Fuller were likely doing the same thing they have been doing since when the USSR was still a thing: stirring up islamist rebels against Russia. If we look at Tamerlan's visit to Chechnya in this light, you don't come away with the same conclusion as as McPhee, that the CIA and FSB were hesitently working together against Islamists. I believe Tamerlan was there to spy on or to fact-find on ways that Chechen rebels can be supported. Maybe he thought he was flying below the radar, but when Plotnikov's band got killed, he got spooked and got out of Russia asap.

Which brings us to the bomb plot itself. It's kind of obvious that the brothers weren't acting alone, and the FBI seems to know so many conspirators, most notably Morley, that the idea that they didn't know about the bomb plot seems kind of...unlikely.

I'm not going to speculate whether Tamerlan's radicalization was real, or if there were any someone else was pulling the strings in the bomb plot. I can't dismiss it, but I can't say that its the case for sure. But can can say the Strategy of Tension sure as gently caress hasn't gone away. We know the FBI spent over a decade radicalizing and entrapping young Muslim idiots into fake terrorist plots so the can claim that they have stopped a terrorist plot. The only thing better for three letter agencies would be letting a real one happen. Whether this one was meant to happen, I don't know. The few people who can answer that have whisked away, been locked in a mental institution, or sit in solitary confinment on death row.

4/5 star book. Crack-pinged the whole way through. The information could have been a bit better organized. But most of the fun information I've put these posts, I've left out all the parts about people getting blown up. You're welcome.

Mar 25, 2016

OK probably not as interesting as all of that but I recommend "Globalists" by Quinn Slobodian for an introduction to what the hell neoliberalism is other than a scary word people use, and how the actions of the state serve to protect capital from democracy.


Toph Bei Fong
Feb 29, 2008

You can't see me at all...

Leon Trotsky posted:

Dear Comrades:

You complain that you have not been able to read even one-tenth of the books that interest you, and ask how to rationally allot your time. This is a very difficult question, because in the long run each person must make such a decision according to his particular needs and interests. It should be said however, that the extent to which a person is able to keep up with the current literature, whether scientific, political, or otherwise, depends not only on the judicious allotment of one’s time but also on the individual’s previous training.

In regard to your specific reference to “party youth,” I can only advise them not to hurry, not to spread themselves thin, not to skip from one topic to another, and not to pass on to a second book until the first has been properly read, thought over, and mastered. I remember that when I myself belonged to the category of “youth,” I too felt that there just wasn’t enough time. Even in prison, when I did nothing but read, it seemed that one couldn’t get enough done in a day. In the ideological sphere, just as in the economic arena, the phase of primitive accumulation is the most difficult and troublesome. And only after certain basic elements of knowledge and particularly elements of theoretical skill (method) have been precisely mastered and have become, so to speak, part of the flesh and blood of one’s intellectual activity, does it become easier to keep up with the literature not only in areas one is familiar with, but in adjacent and even more remote fields of knowledge, because method, in the final analysis, is universal.

It is better to read one book and read it well; it is better to master a little bit at a time and master it thoroughly. Only in this way will your powers of mental comprehension extend themselves naturally. Thought will gradually gain confidence in itself and grow more productive. With these preliminaries in mind, it will not be difficult to rationally allot your time; and then, the transition from one pursuit to another will be to a certain extent pleasurable.

With comradely greetings,

L. Trotsky
May 29, 1923

  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4
  • 5
  • Post
  • Reply